Monday 28 January 2008

TOWARDS OPPOSITION AGAINST NEO-LIBERAL GLOBALISATION:---

TOWARDS OPPOSITION AGAINST NEO-LIBERAL GLOBALISATION: SOME NOTES FOR MOBILISATION OF NIGERIAN WORKERS







BY






M.M. YUSIF
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano



Introduction
The drive of Neo-Liberal Globalisation met with stiff resistance by coalition of popular political forces. In 1986, 1989, and 1991, there were head on collisions between protestors and the state. By this time the Nigeria’s state was in confusion on whether it must carry on to consolidate the neo-liberal economy or to terminate the reform system.

During this period, especially after the second (1989) phase of anti-SAP riots, both the Federal Government of Nigeria and the popular anti-SAP forces were uncertain on what clearer strategy and tactics to initiate to take an upper hand in the existing relationship of forces in the country.

The Nigerian people of all class interests were objectively matured for mass action but subjectively not prepared. On the other hand the state was fast reorganising to take an upper hand in the relationship. This includes measures of giving full market doses to completely impoverish the people while politically by cooptation of others into the state establishments to benefit from the neo-liberal agenda.

The pieces of notes here are written over these years (1989-1992) to bring the attention of Nigerian people, the popular forces in particular for the need to continue to mobilise to challenge the neo-liberal policies of Nigeria’s state.

These notes are as titled below:
1. Muslim student’s society of Nigeria as an ally for Democratic struggles.
2. To the Nigerian Workers
3. The Creation of States and Trade Unions
4. Kano Religious Disturbances and the Working Class
5. The current Petrol Scarcity Crisis in Nigeria
6. Prospect of a new stage of anti-SAP struggle
7. Light to the end of SAP regime in Nigeria
M.M. Yusif
January 2008
MUSLIM STUDENTS SOCIETY OF NIGERIA AS AN ALLY FOR DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLES

The September 1989 33rd Annual Conference of Muslim Students Society of Nigeria on the theme “Towards Viability and Stability of the Third Republic”, held in Zaria, comes up with a communiqué, against the growing undemocratic practices of IBB administration.

The main message in this communiqué is the idea that the economic policies of the government is a great injustice to the people and procedures of the transition to Civil rule in 1992 is not democratic. In fact, the association is consciously condemning the neo-colonial capitalist economic system of Nigeria and the exploitation of Nigeria’s working people by foreign capitalists and their local allies.

The communiqué is a thoughtful document which in a way provides a critique of the Nigeria’s state response to the country’s economic crisis and raises profound questions about the morality and justification of the state to implement an economic programme which brings abject poverty to the people.

The MSSN endorses struggles against economic and political repression which the present administration has only intensified while implementing a Structural Adjustment Programme inspired by IMF/World Bank. In short, that implies calling for an alternative to SAP.

The MSSN went on to argue that viability and stability of society depend on social justice which encompasses human dignity and Economic Self-reliance. Specifically they propose that the government should:
1. repeal all repressive laws
2. eradicate corruptions in Nigeria’s body politics
3. stop the establishment of anti-riot squad
4. stop implementing SAP
5. free the economy from domination by foreign capital.
These imply:
a. an end to cutback in social services: health services, education services, etc.
b. no to unemployment and inflation
c. the rights of all popular organisations banned to operate, and government to stop intervening in popular organisations.

These ideas repudiate everything done under the Economics and politics of SAP and suggested creating a new society to serve the people.

It is obvious that the MSSN position paper suffers from deficiencies on creating a new society. But I am inclined to believe that despite that, if these issues are put on political agenda by all religious groups of Nigerian students, will strengthen the struggles of Nigerian workers and encourage other popular organisations within and outside schools and institutions of higher learning to become more active and others to join the struggles against SAP in particular and capitalist exploitation and repression in general, in Nigeria. And certainly these deficiencies will be corrected on the course of active struggles.

M.M. Yusif
September, 1989

TO THE NIGERIAN WORKERS

The government of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has recently received the report of the tripartite committee on the national minimum wage.

While receiving the report, the President demagogically told the Nigerian workers through the committee that the Government is concerned with the welfare of Nigerian workers and has already wanted to increase the minimum wage of workers even before the NLC demanded for it. This is a lie! At the time of receiving the report, the minister of Labour and Productivity, Alhaji Bunu Sheriff Musa did not hide his Government intention to please its masters: the capitalists. He said while the NLC demanded for N1, 490.00 minimum wage, the Government proposed on N250.00 and from the news circulating even before the report is submitted it is only N250.00 the Government wants to give as minimum wage.

The task of Nigerian workers is not to give-off their struggle for a living wage and wait for another “death wage” which the friends of Babangida and the capitalists will call the generosity and magnanimity of Babangida to workers.

The workers know very well that even if the N1, 490.00 is accepted, is only a portion of what they produce per month given to them as wage, the remaining going to capitalists. So, we must continue to agitate for N1, 490.00 as minimum wage. And we must prepare for a show down with the Government if we are given less than what we demanded.

If the Government and the capitalists refuse to give what we demanded, they will rationalise their action by relating wage with inflation, unemployment and productivity. And as the Minister of Labour and productivity told the press after the President received the report, that workers should avoid any situation that would lead to any retrenchment in the country.

It is a big lie to say that inflation, unemployment and retrenchment are caused by level of wages. The reasons for these lay in the nature of capitalist production, the hunger of capitalist to make more profit and due to Babangida’s Government Economic Policy (SAP) to satisfy the needs of international capitalist agencies.

The President also flirted with the workers and promised that the new minimum wage will be implemented in January, 1991.

The President promise is not acceptable by Nigerian Workers. Many times in the present government, we were deceived to drop our fighting guns. This time, no! We need revision of the minimum wage immediately. The capitalists must be made to pay living wages to their workers.

And SAP must be scrapped for workers to live better with the increased wage. Also the transition to civil rule programme must be revised to allow workers form and organise their party to guard their interests.

M.M. Yusif
3rd October, 1990

THE CREATION OF STATES AND TRADE UNIONS

Nigeria’s Government has gone along way to creating political conditions for the protection of its Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). The transition programme and every other political measures taken by the state, though propagated to promote Democracy and meet the demands of the people, are nothing democratic nor in the interest of the majority of Nigerian people.

The recent creation of more states and local governments by the Federal Government has been described as a deliberate act of government to further extend the hand-over date to elected civilian government.

The influence of creation of more states and local governments on National Non-Governmental Organisations opposed to the Economic and Political Programmes of the Government, even if does not extend the transition programme beyond 1991, will temporarily disorganise the organisations to push the challenges of resisting the Structural Adjustment Programme.

This is the case of Trade Union Movements. It is obvious the creation of more states and local governments called for division of at least public sector workers and movement of some to newly created states and local government areas. The workers involved are many. They include members of civil service technical workers, union; Nigerian Union of Civil Service; Nigeria Union of Civil Service Typists, stenographers and Allied staff; National Union of Local Government Employees; and as re-organisation of State apparatuses continues will affect workers who are members of Medical and Health workers Union of Nigeria; National Association of Nigerian Nurses and mid-wives; Nigeria Union of Teachers; National Union of Public Corporations Employees; Nigerian Union of Journalists, Radio, Television and Theatre Workers Union; and Printing and Publishing Workers Union.

The question is how will the workers and the trade union movements affected will face the challenges of organising their workers and putting the structures of their unions and of Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) in the new states and local governments created. Trade Union organisers while have not recovered from the deregulation of wages and inabilities to coordinate and give united direction to waves of strikes which followed implementation of the new wage policy may be further confused with creation of new states and local government areas. Some trade union organisers in states affected by creation of new ones feel no worker programme can ever be carried until movement of workers is completed.

This is what the government wants. Trade Union organisers should always remember that the relation between government and workers is a relationship of conflict of interests. The state has the power to disorganise even the most organised working-class. The only power of the working-class is their number and experience to unionise to defend their interests in the face of any form, of assault by the state on workers and their organisations.

Labour organisers must have therefore rise to meet the challenges of putting the structures of their unions in the new states with immediate effect to show the government that the workers are capable of organising. This is also an opportunity of thoroughly democratising the unions, by involving the rank-and-file members in every major decision which will affect their interests.

Pascal Bafyau’s opinion to extend Army rule beyond 1992, because of new challenges the transition programme is to confront as a result of creation of more states and local government areas, is not in the interest of Nigerian workers. He’s only telling the minds of Nigeria’s state which comes up with a political programme deliberately to extend the transition period.

M.M. Yusif
October, 1990

KANO RELIGIOUS DISTURBANCES AND THE WORKING-CLASS

The implementation of IMF/World Bank Economic programme in Nigeria, as in all other countries, has brought destitution to millions of people. Workers who have nothing but their salaries have become destitute. Their salaries/wages is not enough to buy them food and continue living to be productive lets talk of other social needs. Students are in hunger. Students have cleverly developed slogans to depict their horrible conditions. For example, they use 0-1-1 to mean “no breakfast only launch and supper” or 1-0-1 meaning “breakfast no lunch then supper” or 1-1-0 depicting “breakfast – lunch – but cannot afford supper”. Millions of children are now roaming on streets in urban centres begging. Many attend school in the morning and go for begging or hawking in the afternoon.

On the other hand people have responded in different ways and in different forms. Initially, there was a sign of coordinating the actions of various groups into a united force. But the Nigeria’s Federal Military Government using repression, harassment and cooptation has weakened the strength of various groups. Combined with the organisational weaknesses of the various forces, have become disorganised and in disarray.

On account of what happened recently – the Kano disturbances, post-primary students riots in Kaduna State, riots of people in oil prospecting area in Rivers state and the demonstrations of railway workers in Lagos and Kafanchan – points to the zeal of the people to act against the economic programme which has brought them hardship.

In the riots of 14th and 15th October 1991 in Kano, poor people including small children came out looting property and killing people. Except very few large business holdings in the area of the disturbances (Kabo holdings; Bank of the North; and Galaxy holdings) all are affected in the looting and burnings of the business centres. To the best experiences of these people who participated in the action, these small business shops cause their hardships. They have no idea about the conception of state in Nigeria’s society. They do not understand the working, management and control of Nigeria’s Economy.

On the other hand, it could not take direct anti-SAP form because the riots came as religious fightings.

Let us recall the statement by Lenin that “The deepest root of religion today is the socially down trodden condition of the working masses and their apparently complete helplessness in face of the blind forces of capitalism, which every day and every hour inflicts upon ordinary working masses the most horrible suffering and the most savage torment…”.

This statement is relevant today as it was during the time of Lenin. Of course, religion can play a progressive role in mobilising the masses against SAP. But Nigeria’s ruling class is using religion to divert the attention of the people from their suffering under the economic programme. Therefore the conclusion that emerges from the explanations of the disturbances is only dominated by ruling-class positions. These are:
1. That it is Hausa people killing Ibos, because the latter control small scale tradings in Kano City
2. That it is Muslims against Christians
3. That it is small-children and vagabonds who looted property

These positions were stressed often by the government, the traditional rulers, the Mullahs and the businessmen in their statements about the riots. The panel appointed by the government to investigate the riot is composed of nominees of the government, businessmen and the small traders, and will certainly recommend the same feelings of the government and the business class. The worst the government may receive from the panel is to indict some of it security agencies for neglect of duties.

But what would be the view of the working-class? The composition of the people involved in the riots raised questions about conditions of living in Nigeria, poverty in millions of homes sending out children for begging if had not created the disturbances, expanded it. Workers who had missed their jobs too.

For example, five days after the riot I was walking in brigade area to observe how people were returning to normal life, I came across four people discussing what happened. One of them was saying ‘we the people retrenched from Kabo holdings remained together in difficult life under SAP and we cooperated to organise destruction of one of his offices’. When they noted I became interested in what they were saying and wanted to stand near them, one of them said solidarity! and all disappeared to different directions.

The tasks of the working class and their movements on this is great.
1. The Nigerian workers and their movements have a responsibility of giving scientific explanations of the disturbances and spread it among the masses.
2. To spread the correct ideas/explanations in such away can mobilise the masses to an independent/autonomous legal organisation of the working-masses, to among other things liaise with various religious Mullahs, against religious conflicts which is used to misdirect the initiative of the masses.
3. To link up the ideas with concrete forms of actions against SAP and Democratisation and transformation of Nigeria

M.M. Yusif
4th November, 1991
THE CURRENT PETROL SCARCITY CRISIS IN NIGERIA

Petrol scarcity occurs here and there, virtually in all Northern States of the Federal Republic of Nigeria – an oil-producing country. The problem has paralysed normal business and work and has increased the prices of commercial transport services and of all other goods and services. This has made life more difficult for the people.

The unfortunate thing about the crisis is that all the people concerned have failed to give convincing argument/reasons about the causes of the development. Therefore various and yet contradictory explanations are coming as the causes of the petroleum shortage. Government is blaming petrol dealers for hoarding and smuggling petrol to neighbouring countries. The people are accusing the government of planning to increase the price of petrol from January, 1992. Petroleum dealers and transport owners are criticising NNPC of policies obstructing continuous flow of petrol to all parts of the country.

All these contending explanations have covered and evaded the reality of the cause of the persistent petroleum shortage in many parts of the country. The fact is that the Structural Adjustment Programme has now come in full swing to the Nigeria’s oil industry? The answer is not to say that the IMF/World Bank has dictated this and that for Nigeria’s oil industry. There is no doubt that IMF/World Bank has played a decisive role in articulating and recommending the policy prescriptions to be followed, but internal class forces in support of the same philosophy contribute in articulating the prescriptions. The relative success sic: in implementing the recommendations rests squarely on the capacity of the domestic class interest in support of the programme to organise, direct and channel it to the success.

The ideas about specific project of re-orienting Nigeria’s oil industry emerged in a series of seminars organised by Nigerian National petroleum corporation in 1986 on “Planning and Financing in a depressed Economy”, which at any rate Mr. J.A. Innes, Resident Economist, World Bank Resident Mission, in Lagos Nigeria participated and presented a paper which he at any rate claims that the views expressed do not represent the views of the World Bank. Following the seminars, Task Forces were constituted to come up with reports on different areas of activities of the Nigerian oil industry. Refined product transportation and marketing is one functional area of activities of Nigerian oil industry. It is handled by Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation.

The present petroleum scarcity crisis in the country primarily touches on transportation and marketing sector of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. Questions raised in 1986 seminars organised by NNPC include should this sector’s role be domestic only? Or for export? What are the alternative for this sector to be a separate profit centre and fully accountable for its results? Can NNPC be empowered to cut off supply? Should petroleum prices float with international crude oil markets? Will dealers, transporters and marketers margins be increased to cover working capital and capital spending requirements? Would a free market system be preferable? Should marketers be allowed to transport product? Also to export products, to produce and market all type of products that can be products to produce and market all type of products that can be produced locally and sold through their distribution channels? To retain foreign exchange for non-Naira sales? What incentives generally can be provided to motivate the private sector? Should a “free market” environment be encouraged?

These questions are responded by the authorities in line with the principles of creating “market forces” economy. In a report of the Task Force on the NNPC corporate image, the Managing Director of the corporation is quoted saying that “NNPC Strives to be a commercially managed, integrated, international oil company, whose mission is to profitably explore, develop, produce, process and market crude and refined petroleum and their products and derivatives, at internationally competitive prices, both at home and, abroad. We also seek to fuel the development of Nigeria’s domestic and industrial sectors by providing gas to consumers throughout Nigeria and abroad and by fostering the start up of new petroleum based industries”.

Against this background is the commercialisation/privatisation of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation and changing all the policies and methods of operations of the corporation to satisfy the logic of organisation which is a full fledged oil company rather than a government parastatal, a competitive organisation and a profit-making corporation.

Consequently the current petroleum scarcity crisis is the result of changes in NNPC policies to meet the said objectives. Oil marketing and transportation policies are changed in such away that only very rich oil dealers can operate and survive in the business. In the logic of economics of SAP only the richest dealers will be able to compete.

The wider implication of this is that the overall impact on the economy and the society will erode the material welfare of various groups of people in the country. Naturally, oil workers, especially petroleum tankers drivers will be negatively affected by this exercise in NNPC. Tanker drivers of oil marketers who use personal transport services are in a better position to survive the crisis. Others, especially if the price of transporting oil is not increased may be retrenched.

Or their wages may be reduced and conditions of work becomes poorer. But even if the price of transportation of oil is increased it will not be in the interest of the tanker drivers. In view of the pressures of transport owners on NNPC to increase the price of transportation of oil, it is most likely that under the present programme of commercialisation and privatisation of NNPC, the corporation may accept the demands of the transport owners and in turn pass the same to the consumers. Still only independent oil marketers with own transport will benefit. This will hike the prices of petrol and petroleum products. The people will be most concerned about the price increase are taxi drivers who have been ferrying passengers within cities and then other commercial car/lorry drivers whose material condition has diminished already under the impact of scaring prices of motor spare parts. Also to be affected are the people – members of the working-class, students and small traders who relied on commercial transport services for their transportation. Similarly, all “people – working-class, peasants, various sections of the petty-bourgeoisie – will be affected by general increase in the price of food items which will follow.

The next step is the question, what is to be done to stop this crisis permanently? First, the most fundamental thing is to recognise and understand that SAP is the root cause of the problem. But Nigeria’s government is persistently blaming petrol dealers for causing the shortage. Is a lie! Is a great lie! Is a propaganda of state and foreign and local interests in Nigeria’s oil industry to confuse the people. All patriotic people, Human Rights Organisations, Students Organisation, Women and Youth Organisations as well as Progressive Movements are to campaign separately or unitedly for peoples’ education on the matter. Intellectuals and the trade union (NUPENG) directly involved in the oil industry should cooperate to document and expose the fallacy of government subsidy of Nigeria’s petrol and petroleum products sold in the country. This is to create more favourable grounds for a more arduous path of struggle, the demand for the abolition of SAP, the only alternative solution of the crisis.

While each group may fight alone, a United Front will forge a stronger force against the state and other forces for commercialisation/privatisation of the corporation. An agenda involving National Union of Petroleum and natural Gas workers Union, National Union of Road Transport workers. Transport Owners Organisation and Petroleum Leaders is one case of short-term programme of united action. The programme is “no to rationalisation of NNPC now going on and consequently no to petrol price increase”. Of course there are differences between these four groups. But should not be allowed to prevent a United Front Action. Each is to play its own politics but is to stick to the course of the common ground or unity of action. Whereas it cannot be a classless front, it is hoped, when other oppressed groups, progressive organisations and patriotic individuals join may broaden the demand to abolition of SAP under working class leadership.

Mu’azu Mohammed Yusif
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
26th December 1991

PROSPECT OF A NEW STAGE OF ANTI-SAP STRUGGLE

Today, six years after introduction of SAP by Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, the economy is not improving. With the recent further devaluation of the Naira which has made life extremely difficult for the people – the regime has demonstrated that its not capable of solving the problems of the economy.

The administration is encountering tremendous difficulties. Politicians are now suspicious of the transition programme. They are now openly criticising SAP. The transition programme has failed to cover the difficulties people are experiencing under SAP. Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) are shouting against increased cost of commodities. The National Congress of Nigerian farmers are at war with the Government over some demands for farmers. In short is a confusion within big business interests in the country. On the other hand thirteen Trade Unions in the private sector demanded for New Minimum Wage. Nigeria’s Labour Congress demanded for 100 per cent increase in salaries. Journalists are becoming more confident in criticising SAP. Co-optation by the state is breaking down. Loyalists in the armed forces and among the civilians are running away from the government. The National Association of Nigerian students condemns re-introduction of school fees by any means. Religious leaders and groups are shouting against the hardship being experienced by the people.

However, dissatisfaction is still noted with passivity among the broad masses of the people. This is a major weakness of the opposition against the economic and political programmes of SAP. Is there hope of the passivity among the masses to develop into active protest? Yes. The masses are already in actions against SAP, but in their own limited conceived ways. They need to be activated in thousands and millions into organised opposition. Into a united opposition.

Instead some comrades insult the masses for doing nothing against SAP. This is wrong. “Don’t cry understand” is our watch word. The fact is that the masses are really in hunger and are not sufficiently motivated politically.

The participation of the masses in millions can be aroused if they see programmes and actions to defend their economic interests. Campaign against hunger if well organised can move the masses. Another campaign for living wage will definitely arouse the workers.

Political demands, namely the “Military must return to barrack in October, 1992”, “give democracy a place in the transition to Third Republic”, “the abolition of SAP”, etc. could galvanise the masses into action.

This is very necessary in order to create new political culture for the battles ahead of us. Do you know that government white paper on reforms of Higher Education is coming out soon. It is not only about conditions of service for University staff. It has something to do with students and by implications with primary and secondary schools Education and also parents. What of increase of petroleum price which is still on the agenda of the SAP regime. And the transition programme may take another course.

M.M. Yusif
21st April, 1992


LIGHT TO THE END OF SAP REGIME IN NIGERIA

In his national broadcast to the nation after mass riots which nearly brought the government down the President said “Let me assure you that we are fully in control and shall get you to our destination safe and sound, by the grace of Allah”. Are they really in control or are only gearing and re-organising to repress the growing and widely spread oppositions against the deadly structural economic programme of the government.

One thing very obvious is that the movement against SAP has entered a qualitatively and quantitatively new phase. Compared with the first anti-SAP riots the second riots brought several thousands more into actions. There was nearly a convergence of urban riots, industrial unrests and communal clashes into one mass movement against SAP. Secondly it was a scenario when people in town were asking students to join them rather than students coming out only to be joined or not by people in the town. The involvement of so many people into active struggle is a result of acuteness of problem brought by SAP.

While the government is angry and has come out with statements showing a path to a more fascistic political measures against oppositions, but cannot hide its appeals to the Nigerias Labour Congress (NLC) and the Nigerian workers as a whole.

On the social and political terrain of the riots there are of course mistakes and shortcomings to learn. Some of the first anti-SAP riots mistakes still featured in the second demonstrations. Political Right forces are still to be more clearly identified vis-à-vis the aims and objectives of the riots. Despite all these the second anti-SAP riots shows light to a prospect of a more successful fight against SAP. Contrary to what the President said, they are not in full control. It is now they are mapping out possible changes, to come with another political arrangement to make them survive. Political forces are not to wait until the state comes out with its arrangement before they respond. They should also map out their positions in the light of the expected changes.

It is better if the agenda of the oppositions is that of taking control of political power because even if IBB succeeds in retaining power it will be unstable. Another alternative for him is to search for another political arrangement. He will be incapable of providing any. His only way out is the Third Republic. That will not be the solution. The cycle will continue.

M.M. Yusif
1st June, 1992

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