Friday, 30 October 2009

Democracy Development in Nigeria: A Global Vision on the Last Ten Years

Democracy Development in Nigeria: A Global Vision on the Last Ten Years

Introduction
To give a talk to a group of Nigerian authors is a great challenge – a complex one for that matter
Because they are people of ideas and whatever you are going to discuss with them they have already written about it; they have already read and discussed as well as debated it. But fortunately the organizers have given me an option that the symposium is on ten years of democracy in Nigeria but I could choose to talk on any topic
So, I have choosen to speak on a topic:

Democracy Development in Nigeria: A Global Vision
I think I want make an observation about the theme of this symposium:
It is that ten years is not enough to understand the history of development of human society.
Unless if we are going to make judgement which is not useful
It is because I do not want this kind of judgement that I have framed my topic the way it is

The Issues
Let me start with meaning f democracy:
Many of us when we gather to talk about democracy we end up discussing ideas totally beside the point.
Because democracy is much more than party formation; free and fair elections; or having a legislative house doing law to govern the life of every body in the society
Secondly, democracy is much more than the ceremonies that surround it in Nigeria today – I think there are more ceremonies about democracy than real democratic policies that improves the lives of the people.
Yes! The money spent in these ceremonies are enough to provide free health care to every Nigerian
Thirdly, another important misconception about democracy in Nigeria is that democracy is only the procedures of making democracy to work
I am sorry that in Nigeria of today the young generation including those boys and girls in the tertiary institutions, the only meaning they know of democracy are procedures of democracy
From one theoretical perspective “democracy is a system for accomplishing what can only be achieved by citizens joining together with other citizens to determine the rule of the game whose outcomes express the common good”.
That is the essence of democracy:
This makes sense (from all ideological positions) as people come together to make rules which could help them to affect
How the economy grows
How to divide the resources fairly
How to generate feeling that we are all Nigerians and we are working for overall development of Nigeria as a nation
But also to make sure the rules would ensure that the political system would guarantee fairness, and participation as well as other goals we share in common between various ethnic and other social groups.
But in a most fundamental way it seems that Democracy in Nigeria today has grown less responsive to these issues. Why? – It has become a democracy of politicians and others who have access to state resources
Seen from theoretical point of view Democracy character and development in Nigeria could not be isolated from a view that it is a product of global economic relations and the economic and social structure produced locally
From the 1950s through the 60s up to early 1970s capitalism in Europe, America and Japan, as also in other countries was more human, less competitive and state regulated.
Therefore, at level of politics it negotiated and renegotiated itself with various interests to create a balance for the benefits of all.
These were the days when social democracy became the order of the day and when welfare states existed every where providing all sorts of services free while capitalists making their own profits unhindered.
Although in Nigeria, this golden age of democratic capitalism was mainly under military rule.
Yet majority of the people of Nigeria had more economic benefit; interest groups had wider spaces to negotiate their demands with government to get something.
In a nutshell, in those days Nigerian citizens were working together to achieve a common goal.
Why is it that Democracy of today is not like of those years
It is not like of those years because the structure of capitalism – globally – has changed.
There is the present technological revolution which started during the 1970s
Consequently the structure of capitalism began to change as a result of rapid boom and buble in finance, investment, and business which raised competition
Because of high competition, by mid-1970s capitalism had began to deregulate in Europe and America.
When Reagan and Thatcher came in USA and UK respectively, they met the system deregulating itself, therefore they followed and pushed it not only in USA and UK, but also across the globe.
So, the idea of neo-liberal globalisation spread everywhere – including to Nigeria
One policy arm is to deregulate the economy by creating a market-based economic system
The second is to democratise by forming political parties and hold elections
However, there are fundamentals of the market-based economic system which undermined the practice of democracy as I have defined it.
The economy shows a process of fragmentation and disintegration of solidarity; support networks; and popular mobilization
It is a system which imposed itself through privatization of collective wealth and public properties – destroying the spirit of the people to see anything good with democracy
Reducing and deforming the state to play any role of commonwealth, in order to impose a market ideology that each is to him/her self.
Most fundamentally the implementation of the market system led to limitations on people’s political participation
Democracy has become a ritual of casting votes every 4 years.
Tiny political elites are seen doing what they want to with our resources
Neo-liberalism does not like opposition. It creates a process of social exclusion of social movements that will context it and seek to democratize it.
Most countries in Africa, including Nigeria have followed this wind of change – implementing market system and the accompanying neo-liberal democracy system
But there s a common consensus everywhere now that this democracy has failed
How is this failure seen in Nigeria and why?
First of all, let us see this problem through meaning I give to nation of development.
A useful conception of development in this context is that since mankind began to cooperate for economic and political purposes, they work for collective progress of the society which will bring benefits, though differently to individuals without disturbing the livelihood and space for people to continue to work.
This is both in economic, social, cultural and political development
But is this New Democracy encouraging this?
There is no doubt that the “New Economy” and the “New Democracy” have produced “New Midas in Nigeria – richer people and perhaps more prosperity for some other people.
But this new riches had made the gap between the rich and poor wider
This wealth has increased inequalities in the society
The increasing inequality is vindicated by a report by one consultant that less than 200 families control the economy and politics of Nigeria.
Furthermore as the scale of market economy widens the FGN has withdrawn a range of public services including health and education needed by the citizens to develop themselves
There are numerous other problems of the New Economy:
Hundreds of industries have collapsed and left us with mass of jobless youth on the streets whose concept of democracy is not to fight for common goals but only to get money to eat food and intoxicants
At any community level whether of work or settlement including family relations, market dominate individual desires instead of common goals
Consequently, the logic of collective action for collective interest has changed – democracy being swept away
But from political calculation there is no doubt that this democracy:
Has reduced tensions over long period of military rule:
Has particularly released the middle-class i.e. the modern middle class from political closure by the military so that now we can come out to speak and even participate in the politics
At least there is a feeling among the people that there is democracy and rule of law, even if the democratic practices are structured in an economy whose politics is to disempower the people
There is also increasing campaign for Human Rights.
On the other hand:
The parties are merely cartel organizations
As such the parties that produced candidates are not democratic and these parties as I know them cannot produce anybody who could be a democrat.
Or could they?
There are many flaws in the electoral system which are deliberately enshrined in the law in order not allow free and fair electoral competition etc.
Market created discontent; insecurity; threatens many rights of people; etc
Are these not limits to democracy
By way of conclusion I will not hesitate to repeat my earlier assertion that neo-liberal democracy in Nigeria as in many other countries, is a failure.
This is not speaking from radical position. One of the most prolific writers about the failure of neo-liberal democracy was a minister of labour in a government of USA.
Hundreds of years ago a variety of liberal theory showed that capitalism would become a corporate business and democracy would become a few corporate affairs.
That is the case in USA, Europe; Japan and the rest of them as well as all the New Democracies of the developing countries.
Subsequently, there is already a debate now raging among intellectuals about social management of neo-liberalism.
Both at economic and political levels:
Obama’s government policies show that the old neo-liberal formulas are being discredited indicating there will be a break with market fundamentalist policies that have governed since 1980s.
At political level he is also building capitalist consensus for social democratic alternative to market fundamentalism which may probably return the old values of democracy
Furthermore, global economic and political elites are converging on global social democracy as a solution to the current economic and political crisis facilitated by neo-liberalism.
Again, western and USA elites have realized a shifting balance of power towards the south so is pushing for global social democracy – a kind of partnership to safeguard their interests.
However, the question is how decisive and definitive will there be a break with neo-liberalism globally and in our domestic politics.
Would it not be merely to stablise market capitalism, giving it human face after which to give back to corporate elites?
Or are we going to see a second round of Keynesian capitalism and its way of political management of human society?
Those are among the options but in my opinion the neo-liberal structures and mechanisms are the problems and therefore which ever option is to distance ourselves from it.
We can do this by reversing the fundamental policy measures of neo-liberalism and
To consolidate a network of social movements that could defend these changes.
The question one may ask after these theoretical controversies is what would Nigeria learn from these.
I think there is no simple answer neither a short-cut to a solution.
The only thing to do is to continue talking and debating about this problem

Thank you.


A Lecture delivered by M. M. Yusif,
Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano
In a Symposium on Ten Years of Democracy in Nigeria organized by Association of Nigerian Authors at Murtala Muhammad Library, Kano on 18/07/09

Globalisation and Job Security: Theoretical and Political Notes on Nigeria

Globalisation and Job Security: Theoretical and Political Notes on Nigeria

Introduction

The topic on the programme is Globalization and Job Security. This gathering of Labour Leaders (of Nigeria Labour Congress Kano State Council) of the Second most significant Union – after COSATU – in Africa is like a political search light meeting on what should be on Trade Union Politics in Nigeria
Therefore the topic is conceived from broader theoretical and political as well as historical perspectives in order to raise important questions which may hopefully continue to be discussed in the labour circle with a view to re-orient trade union struggle in face of neo-liberal globalization.

The Issues
In practice, a process of globalization is being for centuries, but a fundamental question is that which globalization is the current globalization?
Before we come to the answer of this question it is important to note that the immediate past of the present Nigeria, precisely the 1970s, witnessed the globalization of the development of underdeveloped countries. When Multinational Corporations transferred production of goods and services to relatively cheap labour areas i.e. the developing countries including Nigeria.
That globalization was characterised by capitalist industrialization and large-scale farming.
A remarkable change which marked this era was seen by structural transformation of the economy financed by an influx of foreign capital, accelerated expansion of industry and banking, expansion of indigenous capitalism pushed by Enterprises Promotion Decree
The result is the growth and expansion of modern wage system and hence a formation of industrial working-class imbibed with radical ideas to defend the economic and political interests of workers and other oppressed groups of the society.
This brings us to the crucial stage/phase of the history of formations of Trade Union organizations i.e. the phase of rapid growth and expansion.
The records of the working class politics and the successes have revealed relatively better monetary benefits by Nigerian workers and political commitment of the leadership of the Unions to sustain the gains.
The state regulatory regime of labour relations – of a corporatist style – imposed on the Trade Unions, although promoted ideological divisions did not carry away the leadership from the course of workers interests. Only ideological differences on how to achieve the objective set to attain.
The current globalization has reversed the gains of the past – the industries have collapsed; agriculture has largely returned to olden days farm method; the growth of pure industrial workers is restructured, trade unions have lost much of their influences on their members; wages have declined drastically; etc.
Yes! This globalization is distinct from all previous forms of globalization because it is neo-liberal globalization.
Let me share with you not necessarily deep thinking, about the concept of globalization and of neo-liberalism.
Globalization is an enormously controversial concept. Such that talking about meaning of globalization of today would carry our search light through many theoretical perspectives. Generally, it is an economic change but one common notion often referred to in any public gathering is that it is a unified global economic, political, cultural and technological processes in which national states have become virtually dissolved and national authority has lost its meaning.
According to this view:
The world has become a global village;
With a single economic system
That a global ruling-class with global governance institutions operating as global government is already in place
That globalization has made it that something different from capitalism is emerging in which social classes, imperialism and ideology came to an end.
That market and democracy have produced peace and harmony such that institutions of management of conflict of the old order like trade unions are not useful and therefore would disappear. That is globalization. What of Neo-liberalism? I do not want get into the details about the concept of neo-liberalism. In this context it implies market system. The idea is that the market can solve every problem in the best possible way so just leave the economy and the politics to market.
According to this view:
Industrial relations and wages are to be deregulated
Trade is to be liberalized
State is to be little
Everything should be privatized
The current globalisation is neo-liberal globalisation because it is founded on market principles
The reality of the place of labour under this globalisation is that Nigerian workers are confronted by new economic structure created by market economics.
The processes of this system in Nigeria is market by:
First, by wage freeze and now by intended deregulation of industrial relations – through the 2005 labour law
Liberalization of trade which subsequently destroy industry sector
An emphasis on economic competitiveness as the motor of restructuring the economy and
An extended role for international regulatory organizations such as IMF; WB; WTO; etc.
Subsequently a new production regime is emerging:
Most manufacturing industries have collapsed
Those who have survived have done away their old technology and adopt the new ones that do not require much labour force
Because of international competition and more exposure of the economy to global there is less emphasis of manufacturing of mass of consumer goods
The result is that the most prosperous business today is not in traditional manufacturing but in services e.g. communication; banking and other financial business; estate development; and to a smaller extent entertainment industry.
Furthermore, other measures are taken to deregulate labour market and labour relations:
Employment policies are abandoned allowing mass unemployment seen everywhere in major streets of major cities.
Employment protection and privileges are weakened to encourage employment flexibility (casual workers, contract workers; part-time workers; temporary workers).
Thus, labour recruitment outfits have come up to supply workers for private and even public economy
Again, market dictatorship pressures extended in the form of privatization, cuts n government subsidies, retrenchment, etc. has made even those who are employed feel insecure.
I hope by now it has become clearer that as Nigeria’s economy becomes more globalised and marketised, labour becomes threatened by deregulation arising from the adoption of neo-liberal policies.
What is interesting not forget, especially by labour leaders is that these changes are bound to change the composition, structure and politics of the working class.
If organized labour and the leadership is unable to develop and sustain coherent alternative strategies, the neo-liberal globalisation is likely to lead to the decline in the economic and political influence of labour
A simple observation may show evidence of this decline already noticeable in Nigeria:
Union membership has fallen
There are many non-unionised workers in the private sector
What of skilled workers in the modern technology industry that are not part of the unions
The work place influence of local union representatives has systematically waned.
There are more difficulties encountered in encouraging members to participate in union activities.
One perspective in the debate on the options before Trade Unions and their leaders is that only by working towards and committed to competitive advantage offered by market system can organized labour improve working and other conditions of workers.
On the other hand, others argue that such involvement will lead to a deterioration in working conditions and of the union leadership. I think this option is untactical and is belied by reality. It is immature promotion of Keynesianism in a monetarist economy which is inappropriate.
I am not sure if the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has a strategic definition of its relationship with the market system
Its opposition of the market system is not within a framework of a strategic objective to be attained.
So, also the silence on some other policies in the package
I think this is what partly surrounds the ineffectiveness in the formulation and implementation of 2005 Labour Law.
The intention of the 2005 Labour Act was to decentralize labour relations with state and society which could perhaps facilitate for the labour organization to defend the interest of workers against market using market mechanism
Yet, there is a mixed feeling from all the parties to give the law a chance. The market is refused to be recognized to allow it to grow and thrive especially in industrial relations.
Yes! Inspite of policy statements, the Federal Government of Nigeria has refused to allow market to govern, for example, in wages fixing. While the Labour Movement has failed to build the power to control market wages fixing in favour of the working-class.
However, if this would have materialized unions would still have become, trapped into representing capitals interests to their members rather than positioning themselves against the logic of globalisation. But still would strategically engage market to prepare for a future fight.
Additional focus is essential. Not of a socialist revolution but of a kind of a new working-class politics which would build the capacity of unions and their leadership to control market fundamentalism in work places and in the larger society.
The method of promoting this line includes:
Promoting independent Unionism where state wants interfere into union affairs
Unions are to be encouraged to link their demands to those of other unions across the globe.
Leadership and membership come to understand working –class issues in other countries
Return the local union influences in National Union Affairs
Without going back to methods of past struggle these would introduce a new class politics that will challenge neo-liberal globalisation.
Thank you.

I wish you successful retreat


A Lecture delivered by M. M. Yusif,
Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano
On the occasion of retreat by NLC – Kano State Council at Fadama Hotel Katsina, Katsina State on 26/07/09

Monday, 1 June 2009

WTO MOCK SUMMIT CLUB

WTO MOCK SUMMIT CLUB

STUDENTS OF DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

C/O M. M. YUSIF
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is responsible for monitoring and regulating international trade between countries. It operates through a series of agreements which specify how member countries are not only to trade in the global market but also how to operate their macro economic environments. These agreements have disastrous consequences on the economies of developing countries, including the failure of agriculture, collapse of manufacturing, decline of public health etc.

In Nigeria, there is little awareness about the WTO and these agreements even though we are feeling their impact. It is in the effort to generate critical awareness about the WTO that have introduced among my students the WTO Mock Summit. The mock summit is playing the ministerial conference of the organization, the highest decision-making meeting, bringing trade representatives of all member countries. The mock summit brings out the real and true positions of the countries relationships with WTO, as the real summit.

The mock summit started in 2004/2005 academic session and since then it holds every academic year. In May 2009, we hope to stage the fifth performance.

The mock performance of the WTO activities is now moving from campus educational programme to that of national importance. We have already formed WTO Mock Summit Alumni with many conceived programmes we wish to execute.

Thus, the objectives of the mock summit are broadened as;
1. To expose the activities of the WTO and the way it impacts on the economies of the developing countries in general and Nigeria in particular
2. To educate Nigerian students and spread the concept of WTO and its impact, especially on the daily lives of marginalized people of society.
3. Unaware by most Nigerians, the WTO policies are the greatest agents of poverty among, especially rural farmers. Therefore, an objective of the mock summit is also to campaign on these problems and the solutions.
4. To promote ideas and alternative development policies for free and fair trade.
5. To publish the proceedings of mock summits for learning and research
6. The mock summit played in the last four years become a reality through research on trade policies of WTO member countries, and so whether still in the university or not, we will remain a research group to encourage research and documentation on issue concerning trade and development.
7. To open a research centre on trade issues and Nigeria’s development
8. To open a website to access resources of the mock summit internationally.
In the long run we wish to go beyond mock summit to link up with similar global trade policy issues fora and take part in their activities as well as to organize lectures, debates, workshops, seminars and conferences.
We wish for your cooperation towards achieving these objectives.
M. M. Yusif
Director
WTO Mock Summit
Bayero University, Kano

POL 4301 – SUMMARY OF RESULTS 2008/2009 SESSION

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

POL 4301 – SUMMARY OF RESULTS 2008/2009 SESSION

SEMINAR OF MUSTAPHA M. MUKHTAR
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 05
D …………………………………………………. 01
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF ABDULLAHI MUAWIYAR
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 02
D …………………………………………………. 02
E …………………………………………………. 04
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF RIYAUDDEEN Z. M.
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 03
D …………………………………………………. 04
E …………………………………………………. 00
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF BABANGIDA SALIHU
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 02
D …………………………………………………. 03
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF ABDULLAHI S. Y.
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 03
D …………………………………………………. 00
E …………………………………………………. 04
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF FAIZAH T. P.
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 01
D …………………………………………………. 00
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 02

SEMINAR OF LAWAL SHEHU
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 04
C …………………………………………………. 01
D …………………………………………………. 00
E …………………………………………………. 02
F …………………………………………………. 02

SEMINAR OF SALIHU AHMAD ALIYU
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 01
D …………………………………………………. 02
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 02

SEMINAR OF MUSA Y.Y.
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 00
C …………………………………………………. 06
D …………………………………………………. 03
E …………………………………………………. 01
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF AMINA IDRIS IBRAHIM
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 05
D …………………………………………………. 00
E …………………………………………………. 02
F …………………………………………………. 00



SEMINAR OF ABBA ADAMU TALBA
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 03
D …………………………………………………. 01
E …………………………………………………. 04
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF MUSA GARBA USMAN
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 04
D …………………………………………………. 03
E …………………………………………………. 02
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF MUHAMMAD HASHIM YUSUF
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 05
D …………………………………………………. 01
E …………………………………………………. 01
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF FATIMA ALI SUWAID
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 02
C …………………………………………………. 02
D …………………………………………………. 02
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF UMAR A. AHMED
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 02
D …………………………………………………. 03
E …………………………………………………. 04
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF SANI GARBA WAKILI
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 00
C …………………………………………………. 02
D …………………………………………………. 03
E …………………………………………………. 03
F …………………………………………………. 02

SEMINAR OF SANI SABIU
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 04
D …………………………………………………. 04
E …………………………………………………. 01
F …………………………………………………. 00

SEMINAR OF ALABA K. AZEEZ
A …………………………………………………. 01
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 03
D …………………………………………………. 02
E …………………………………………………. 00
F …………………………………………………. 02

SEMINAR OF ADAMU NJORDI
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 01
C …………………………………………………. 03
D …………………………………………………. 02
E …………………………………………………. 02
F …………………………………………………. 01

SEMINAR OF JAMILU HALADU (Spill-Over)
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 00
C …………………………………………………. 00
D …………………………………………………. 01
E …………………………………………………. 09
F …………………………………………………. 04

SEMINAR OF ANAS SULE (Spill-Over)
A …………………………………………………. 00
B …………………………………………………. 00
C …………………………………………………. 00
D …………………………………………………. 00
E …………………………………………………. 08
F …………………………………………………. 10

NO SEMINAR STUDENT’S
F …………………………………………………. 01



OVERALL SUMMARY
A …………………………………………………. 01
B …………………………………………………. 27
C …………………………………………………. 67
D …………………………………………………. 39
E …………………………………………………. 62
F …………………………………………………. 31 (14 are S.O Students

Course Instructor
M. M. Yusif
May, 2009

B.SC. POLITICAL SCIENCE RESEARCH ESSAYS SUPERVISED BY M.M. YUSIF IN 2007/08 SESSION

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

B.SC. POLITICAL SCIENCE RESEARCH ESSAYS SUPERVISED BY M.M. YUSIF IN 2007/08 SESSION

In order to encourage little contribution to knowledge and push my students to use the new Information Technology System for learning and research every academic session I choose one or two research areas which I and my students talk and discuss them many times and then each student frame a research topic from these areas.

In 2007/2008 Academic Session two areas were formulated. These are:
1. Globalisation and Regionalisation
2. Globalisation and Resistance

The following are the research works submitted to the Department of Political Science as part of the requirement for award of B.Sc. Political Science, based on the said two areas of research chosen for the students.
1. Auwal Abubakar (2008) Globalization and Regionalisation: A case study of Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN)
2. Adamu Ismail (2008) Globalization and Regional Integration: A case study of European Partinership Agreement (EPA)
3. Abdulmajeed Aminu Mahmoud (2008). Globalization and Regional Trade Agreement: A case study of Free Trade Area of Latin America (FTAA)
4. Ogah Yakubu (2008). WTO and Regional Trade Agreement: An Assessment: A case of FTAA
5. Nuraddeen Lawal (2008). Globalization and Regionalism: A case of European Union.
6. Hamza S. Marafa (2008). Globalization and the Logic of Resistance: Reformation or Revolution
7. Shehu Haruna (2008). Anti-Globalization in Perspectives
8. Saleh Abubakar Muhammad (2008). Globalization and Resistance in Nigeria (1975 – 2005)
9. Sani Ismail Umar (2008). Proletarian Struggle in the Age of Contemporary Globalization: A Marxist Critique
10. Salamatu I. Yakubu (2008). Regional Partnership for Sustainable Development: NEPAD as Alternative to Globalization
11. Ibrahim Karibullahi Shehu (2008). Anti-Globalization Theories and Practices
Others in the same Academic year are:
12. Tijjani Ismail Mohammed (2008). Globalization: From the view of Karl Marx
13. Murtala Hamisu (2008). Agriculture and Free Trade: The impact on Developing Countries
14. Abdulmalik Auwal (2008) Destruction of the African’s Agriculture: The effect f SPS on Nigerian Development
15. Nafiu Mahmoud Sa’ad (2008) Multilateral Trade Agreement and Development in the Third World Countries: A case study of TRIPS
16. Aliyu Zubairu (2008). Post-modern Military Formation: A case study of Britain
17. Umar Danjuma (2008). Military Organisation: A New Trend in Military Formation in the current Era of Globalization: A case study of the Former Communist Counties of Slovenia and Ukraine

For the purpose of further research these could be found in the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano, in the WTO Mock Summit collections.

M. M. Yusif
May, 2009

GLOBALISATION, ETHNIC CONFLICT AND SOCIAL CHANGE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE


GLOBALISATION, ETHNIC CONFLICT AND SOCIAL CHANGE

POL 4313: Peace and Conflict Resolution

2008/2009

Instructor: M. M. Yusif
mmyusif58@yahoo.com
mmyusif07@mail.com
polbuk@yahoo.com
http://www.mmyusif.blogspot.com

Course Description
The course explores the relationship between globalization and ethno-nationalist conflict and violence with the aim of grasping the dynamics of class forces, the state and external forces that have shaped ethnic relationships across the globe. A comparative study of ethnic conflict and management in both developed and developing countries would be made it also examines the various ways in which ethno-nationalist conflict has produced political and social changes to preserve good and tolerable ethnic relationships.

Topics and Readings

1. General Introduction: Introducing the Course; the topics to be treated; Course requirements; Assessment of the programme by students; Aid for learning and research; other issues;

Readings

1. M. M. Yusif, Principles of teaching and learning in classes of M. M. Yusif
2. M. M. Yusif, How to write small research project
3. Mauro C. and Rosanna D. “E-Research: An introduction to on-line political science sources for Beginners and Skeptics
4. Stephan V. F. Guide to Methods for Students of Political Science

2. Definition of Key Concepts

Readings

1. G. Glezerman, Classes and Nations Chapters 1 and 2
2. Jaroslav K. and Vitezalav V. Ethnic and Political nations in Europe Chapter 3
3. Samir Amir, Class and Nation; Historically and in the current crisis. Chapter 1
4. Peter A. Nationalism chapter 5
5. Ronaldo Munck, The difficult dialogue: Marxism and Nationalism

3. Ethnicity: Toward a General Theory and Experience of Ethnicity in Old and New World Order

Reading

1. Marina O. “Ethnic Politics in Africa, change and continuity”, in Richard J. (ed.) State, Conflict, and Democracy in Africa.
2. Bangura Y. The search for identity: Ethnicity and political violence
3. Ashley W. D. “Rethinking the National Question: Toward a Theory of Ethnicity and Nationality in the New World Order
4. Nathan G. and Daniel P. M. (eds) Ethnicity: Theory and Experience
5. R. A. Schermerhorn, Comparative Ethnic Relations: A Framework for Theory and Research


4. State and Ethno-National Conflict

Reading

1. Ifeka Caroline, Ethnic Nationalities, God and the State: Wither the FRN? ROAPE No.85
2. Larry Diamond, Class, Ethnicity and Democratic: Nigeria 1950-1966
3. Doornbos M. “Linking the future to the past: ethnicity and pluralism” ROAPE No.52
4. Jimmy D. K. “Ransoming the state: Elite Origins of Subaltern Terror in Sierra Leon”. In ROAPE No.81

5. Globalisation and Conflict: Theoretical Perspectives

Reading

1. Charles O. Lerche: The conflicts of globalization
2. Harvard H., Globalisation and conflict
3. Mark D., Internal conflict: Adaptation and reaction to globalization
4. Samir Amin, “Economic Globalisation and Political Universalism; Conflicting Issues”. Journal of World Systems Research
5. Yash Tandon, The Violence of globalization

6. Globalisation and Ethnic Conflicts: Some Perspectives

Readings

1. Samir A. Capitalism in the Age of Globalisation. Chapter 4
2. Berch B. Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in the Age of Globalisation
3. John R. B. “The myth of Global Ethnic Conflict”. Journal f Democracy Vol. 7 No.4
4. Amy C. World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breed Ethnic Hatred and Global instability
5. Anamaria D. Globalisation and Ethnic Conflict: Beyond the Liberal Nationalist Distinction

7. New Ethnic Conflict in Africa and Beyond: An Overview

Readings

1. Ronnie L. and Bevely C. “Economic Globalisation and the New Ethnic Strife: What is to be done?
2. Patrice Tengo, “Globalisation, New War and Perpetuation of Conflicts in Africa”. Codesria Bulletin
3. Adebayo Adedeji (ed) Comprehending and Mastering African conflict: The Search for Sustainable Peace and good governance. Chapter 1
4. Steven I. B. “Nationalism and Civil Identity: Ethnic Models for Macedonia and Kosovo”. In Barnett R. (ed.) cases and strategies for preventive action”.
5. Mohammed S. (ed) Ecology, Politics and Violent Conflict. Chapters 1 and 2

8. Ethnic-Conflict and Collapse of States in Africa

Readings
1. Chris Allen, “Warfare, Endemic Violence and State Collapse in Africa” ROAPE No. 93/94
2. Stephen Ellis, “The Old roots of African New Wars”. IPS 2/2003
3. William Reno, Warlord Politics and African States
4. William I. Z. (ed.) Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority.
5. Jutta B. and Kirst S. “Violence and Social Order beyond the state: Somalia and Angola” ROAPE No.104/05


9. Settlers and Residents: Ethnic Conflict in the Era of Globalisation

Readings

1. Bashir Y. K. and Raufu, “The State, citizenship and Democracy in Nigeria. A case study of Zangon Kataf in Kaduna State
2. Samuel G. E. “Ethnicity and Citizenship Rights in Nigeria”
3. Mahmood M. Citizen and Subject
4. Mahmood M. “Kivu 1997: An essay on Citizenship and the state in Africa
5. Duny P. S. “Ethnicity and Political Conflict in Jos: Emergence, Dimensions and the way forward

10. Comparative Analysis of Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflicts in Africa; Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union

Readings

1. R. A. Schermerhom op. cit
2. Jaraslav K. and Vitezslav V. op. cit.
3. James K., “Europes Identity Problem and the New Islamist War”
4. Philip J., “Demographic Religion and the future of Europe

11. Globalisation and Ethnic Conflict Management

Readings

1. Ahmad A. H. “The Reconceptualisation of Conflict Management”. Journal of Peace and Development
2. Pemy M. “Ethnic Politics, Mediation and Conflict Resolution: The Guyana Experience”.
3. Anastasia O. “Institutional tools of Conflict Management – Asymeterical Federalism in Ethnic-Territorial Conflicts” Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development
4. Arend L. Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Explanation
5. Rion L. and Hussaini S. “On Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict Management in Nigeria”. In Africa Journal in Conflict Resolution

12. Ethnic Conflict: Peace-making; Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflict; Post-conflict Development and Reconstruction

Readings

1. Winrich K., “Peace support Operations: How to make them succeed” IPS 4/1999
2. James B. D. and Rafael P. M., “United Nations Peace Keepers and International Humanitarian Law: Can there be an alternative duty to prevent war crimes and crimes against Humanity?
3. David Moore, “Levelling the Playing Fields and embedding illusions: post conflict discourse and Neo-Liberal Development in war torn Africa”. ROAPE No.23
4. Kumar K. (ed) Post-conflict Elections: Democratisation and International Assistance
5. Aguta D. “theory Versus Practice: Peace Processes in Bosnia”. Journal of Peace and Development.

13. Reports on Semester Group Project, each Seminar will be invited to make presentation of small research project conducted during the semester. Then a response paper of each report will be submitted by another seminar

14. Conclusion

Theoretical conclusion and other discussions including criticism - self criticism during this period.


JOINT READINGS
1. John B. conflict Resolution and Provention
2. James Mittleman (ed.) Globalisation: Critical Reflections
3. Robert Cox, A Perspective on globalization
4. Jan Aant Scholte, Globalisation: A Critical Introduction
5. Alliance Marxist Leninist. The National Question in the era of globalization
6. Eskor Toyo, The National Question in Nigeria
7. The debate on the National Question and Radical Politics in Nigeria
8. Margif B. and Gerald S. When Globalisation Discontent turn violent: Foreign Economic Liberalisation and internal war
9. Huntington S., The clash of civilization
10. Fukuyama F., The End of History
11. Francis M. D. “Mediating competing claims to self determination: The case of Sudan”. In Issa Shovji (ed.) State and Constitutionalism: An African debate on democracy
12. Fred W. R. “Globalisation, Ethnic Diversity and Nationalism: The Challenge of Democracies
13. Anne P. Overview of conflict management methods
14. Joseph E. S., “A new perspective on peace keeping: lessons from Bosnia and elsewhere”. In Global Governance Vol. 3 No.1
15. R. B. Jain, “Federalism in India: The Quest for Stability in Democratic Governance”
16. Bishnu N. M. “Democracy and the claims of diversity: Framing the Indian Experience
17. Jibrin Ibrahim, Ethno-Religious Limit to the construction of Federalism in Africa: Yugoslavia and Nigeria compared
18. Aaron T. Gana, “Federalism and the National Question in Nigeria: A theoretical exploration.

Course Requirements
- The teaching of the course is by giving lectures. Each topic is expected to be covered in one lecture period. When the duration of the Semester is against my plan some topics may be combined for treatment. The last 40 minutes of each period will be for presentation and discussion on chosen text or question.
- There will be a simulation of conflict resolution. It is going to be a theatric exercise on how to resolve conflict. A conflict situation – real or imagined would be formulated and the students will be organized in a kind of theatre performance of conflict resolution to bring peace.
- A poetic composition has always been part of this class work. This is to expose students to how to become poetic to express or depict their feelings on important social phenomena. Each member of the class or in group work will be expected to compose a poem which will reflect the subject-matter of the course or the class experience.
- Assessment of students is based on end of Semester Examination (70%) and Continuous Assessment (30%). The CA will be determined by obligatory weekly assignment; active participation in discussing the assignment; a group small research project; research project response paper; a supervised test; ICT usage; attendance
- At the end of the Semester each Seminar will submit a report on classroom experience
- There are many teaching Aids on my website which are recommended to enhance the capacity of students in ICT, communicative writing, etc
- In order to purify the system of learning and research I have to take strict disciplinary action against any student who is found on plagiarism. To avoid plagiarism you must not copy or paraphrase someone else work and present it as your own. Again, all texts consulted should be properly acknowledged. The penalty is that any work found to be plagiarized will receive zero. And any student found in two cases of plagiarism will result in being assessed “00” in the overall CA on the course.


BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE


POL 4313: Peace and Conflict Resolution

The following are semester seminar essays of students of Peace and Conflict Resolution of the last five Academic Sessions selected for the contributions they made on the subject. They are recommended for your studies in this academic year (2008/2009). You are hereby encouraged to follow the footsteps by working hard to produce a qualitative Group Essay materials to joint these ones
S/N Author(s) Title Year
1. Francis O. J. et al Africa the home of conflict; An analysis of changing pattern of conflict in a changing world 2003/2004
2. Mustapha Aminu et al Conflict Resolution in Post Cold War Africa: An assessment of the role of NGOs 2003/2004
3. Abdulhamid Ahmad Abdullahi et al Peacekeeping in Post Cold War Africa: A Critical Assessment 2003/2004
4. Suaibu Bawa Jaja et al The prospect and challenge of African Union in Conflict Management and Prevention 2003/2004
5. Abdullahi Shuaibu Yusuf et al The role of Ecomog, in Peacekeeping mission in Africa 2003/2004
6. Idris Yakubu Halliru et al Conflict Management in a multi-ethnic and Religious Society: The Nigerian Perspective 2003/2004
7. Adamu Fate Jigaware et al Globalization and Conflict: A case study of commercial conflict between USA and Europe 2004/2005
8. Hafsat Y. Kayasai et al Globalization and Conflict: A case of Iraq-USA War 2004/2005
9. Muhammad Hambali Mohammed Globalization and Conflict: A case study of Niger Delta Crisis 2004/2005
10. Chinedu I. U. et al Globalization and Conflict: A case study of Darfur 2004/2005
11. Hadiza Suleiman Sadiq and others Information and communication technology: A causes of conflict or a means of conflict resolution 2005/2006
12. Basher Shehu Abdul and others The two World of Digitisation: The advantaged and the disadvantaged worlds 2005/2006
13. Magaji Tsokwa Samfo and others Globalization and conflict management/resolution: A case study of Nigeria’s involvement in peacekeeping operation in Africa 2005/2006
14. Abdullatif Usman Ishaq Gloalisation, Oil and Conflict In Nigeria: A General Survey of Conflict in Niger Delta Area 2005/2006
15. Yusuf Muhammad Sani and others ICT and Ethnic violence in Third World Countries: An assessment of the role of media in promoting ethnic violence 2006/2007
16. Sule Usman and others Liberal Ethnicity and the quest for peace in the globalizing world 2006/2007
17. Nafiu Mahmud Saad et al Globalization and the New Ethnic Conflict: African Perspective 2007/2008
18. Habibu Sani et al Globalization and Ethnicity: A Survey 2007/2008
19. Sabiu Sani Shatsari et al Globalization and Ethnic Conflict: A Comparative Analysis of Yugoslavia and Somalia 2007/2008
20. Musbahu Muhammad et al Global Ethnic Conflict: Causes an Consequences 2007/2008

POL 4301: Military and Politics: A Simulation Program 2008/2009

POL 4301: Military and Politics: A Simulation Program 2008/2009

A Mock Conference of Army Chiefs/Commandants and Civilians on Civil-Military Relations


Countries Represented

1. USA 11. China
2. United Kingdom 12. South Africa
3 New Zealand 13. Indonesia
4. France 14. India
5. Germany 15. Israel
6. Italy 16. Nigeria
7. Denmark 17 Yugoslavia
8. Switzerland 18. Romania
9. Tae Neitherland 19. Australia
10. Canada

Introduction
Globalization has created new needs and indeed imperatives for global military, security and defence. Thus, inspite of persisting national differences and interests, internationalization of security cooperation is a vital condition of national security and defence.

In contemporary globalization there is deep interconnectedness in economic, political science and cultural processes between nations, so security and defence too cannot be met by national isolation. Therefore, cooperative proficiency between nation would have become and remain key component for efficiency of military officers and civilian institutions for security and defence.

The Case
Post Cold War changes have transformed modern military to postmodern which among other things involve change of mission and integration with civilian community. At another level the notion of security has also changed from merely lack of military threat to any threat against the people even if is by government economic and social policies. As such security reform now gives the civilians definite roles to play to guarantee security.

A stable Civil-Military-Relation is desirable in order for both the Armed forces and Civilian to cooperate in order to attain goals of security and defence. We are going to conduct a mock conference of Chief of Army Staff/Army Generals, together with Civilian experts to provide a useful forum for the promotion of Civil-Military-Relations.

The purpose is to expose students to build capacity on reading and developing of ideas to share and compare with others. Secondly, will give an opportunity to students to develop what they received from theory-based lectures to the practical across the globe. Thirdly, as a New Model of Civil-Military-Relations is fast evolving in many countries, the mock conference will open to the students what is this model and how is it.

The mock forum may among others address the following issues if are relevant to the practice of CMR of the countries they are representing.
1. Democratic control of Armed Forces and Defence structure
2. The need of transparency in military affair
3. Instilment of Democratic values inside military organization
4. Postmodern Armed Forces – New Roles and Mission
5. How is power distributed between Government and Armed Forces
6. What of Political-Business-Military Cooperative

Each Seminar Leader is an Army General and Commandant of a Military formation of his country. These are:


1. Mustapha M. Mukhtar 11. Umar A. Ahmed
2. Lawal Shehu 12. Riyauddeen Z. Maitama
3 Sani Garba Wakili 13. Amina Idris
4. Abdullahi Muawiyah 14. Fatima Ali Suwaid
5. Abba Adamu Talba 15. Mohammed Hashim Yusuf
6. Musa Yusuf Yahaya 16. Alaba Kazeem
7. Musa Garba Usman 17 Salihi Ahmad Aliyu
8. Abdullahi Shehu Yusuf 18. Babangida Salihu
9. Faizah Tukur Pate 19. Anas Sule
10. Sani Sabiu 20. Jamilu Haladu

One person each will come from each seminar as a civilian expert in the forum of the discussion on CMR

M. M. Yusif
April, 2009