THE RADICAL LEFT IN ELECTORAL COMPETITION

THE RADICAL LEFT IN ELECTORAL COMPETITION IN Nigeria:
An Outline






BY






M. M. YUSIF
Department of Political Science,
Bayero University, Kano







Being a paper Presented in the Nigerian Political Science Association 27th Annual Conference 16th – 19th November 2008, Benue State University, Makudi



Introduction
What lessons have we recorded and analysed about left politics in Nigeria since colonial period? A comprehensive history as well as diverse and sectarian characteristics of the left formations is yet to be placed on serious discourse and patterns established by academics on Nigerian’s politics, economy and society.

Of course, a thorough scrutiny will reveal diverse programmes and strategies, many and uncoordinated political activities on the same issues, including either in collective or individualistic participation in bourgeoisie democratic electoral process.

A very serious limitation which any casual observer of the documents of this history since colonial period will note is that in spite of the adoption of a policy of broad-based popular fronts to bring all supporters of democracy together, in Nigeria there has not been a lasting unity which keeps these movements or political parties to achieve and retain a single political programme until it is no longer politically wise to remain together.

What we have said does not mean there had not been broad-based consultative forum and alliances on important political matters but these had never succeeded in solidifying a tradition of cooperation to achieve a common goal. On electoral competition the numerous radical groups would not agree to join their agenda against their common enemy.

The purpose of this paper is to put forward the idea that socialist movements and or individuals somehow also took the option of promoting working class politics through electoral competition. This requires asking another question. That is, what does that bring for subjective and objective build up of the working class politics in Nigeria? Again, if there are limitations what are they and what could be done?

Theoretical Perspective
The theoretical construct is derived from Gramscis concept of “working-class politics”. Seeing through this theoretical lens, in modern capitalist society the working-class is a dominated social group. The ruling-class uses the state to reproduce this domination by establishing hegemony over the dominated classes, not by use of violence or the coercive power of the state apparatus, but in the acceptance by the dominated of a “conception of the world” which belongs to the dominant class (Fiori; 1970:238).

Thus working-class politics is naturally counter-hegemonic. Gramscis would reason that the working-class could use every non-violent resource at its disposal to counter the hegemony of the state.

It is according to this perspective that the argument goes that the left in Nigeria could use electoral competition to defend the course of the working-class.

The left is seen as a collection of socialist parties or movements or of individuals – patriotic and nationalist popularly identified with the working-class or nationalist project, generally defined by the common characteristic of nationalism, anti-imperialism and socialism.

Left Parties and Electoral Competition in Nigeria
Socialist movement and other kind of left formations first emerged in Nigeria as a result of colonial rule. Later, many others of different ideological orientations based on Chinese, Former Soviet Union, Cuban, etc experience were formed to address issues of dependency and of military dictatorship.

The groups had become so many to be accurately counted. And with volcanic names such as “The Iron-grinders”, The parrot”, The league of fighters”, etc Of course, there are relatively bigger parties, but have never come together as a large coalition/alliance like the “popular unity” of chile to effectively counter the power of the state.

The immediate effect of this is that the Socialist Workers and Farmers Party formed in 1963 was contesting every election up to the General election of 1979 but was not able to win any parliamentary election talkless of threatening the power of the state. What about the left in the PRP in 1979 – 1983 Party Politics? Again what about the left in the SDP? Did these really posed counter-hegemonic challenges? What of recognized individuals from the left circle who contested elections on the platform of even non-radical political parties and sometimes won. What sense does the latter make politically?

The Crises of Left Electoral Politics
It may be ill-matured to analyse critically the events and what benefits come to the course of workers politics. However, some patterns could be thought out to imagine whether this contributes to building of “politics of workers”. Or if politics of workers has come to an end as pro-globalist theories would want us to believe what is the outcome of that for promotion of “social justice” in Nigeria.

As usual, these parties have programmes and manifestos which have captured the roots of the problems of Nigeria and denounce the negative effects that these produce on the development of Nigeria. One can rightly ask a question of what can they really do without control of the government?

At risk of playing with outdated revolutionary theory, the new theories are not disregarded as it is noted that the change can come “without taking power”. However, in the past the left was well known, but today is in disarray, so must regained more support and even notoriety to contest for power with other electoral forces.

In a country of very illiberal ethnicity in every political engineering, the left must build opposite strategy, not the usual saying of to do what they are doing better in order to defeat them.

In this neo-liberal Nigeria, political parties have become cartels. What kind of parties are you going to run? The same kind of businessmen/politicians type of political parties or mass political parties? As a reminder, Gramsci once noted that “there are periods of history in which social classes become detached from their political parties; the class no longer recognizes the men who lead the parties as its expression” (Carnoy, 1984:p.78).

When comparing the programmes and characteristic of political parties from the time of NRC and SDP to the present ones, the observation made by Gramsci characterized their politics. After looking at this situation a big challenge against politics of the ruling-class is to form and ran “new political parties” for electoral competition. Or is there a fear of not to be registered?

In general, what one may observe is a decline of the radical left below what it were two decades a go. Today, it is unable to profit from the new political environment by capitalizing with anti-neo-liberalism, within the context of neo-liberalism. As from the theoretical perspective and the available practices, in today’s neo-liberal globalization, there are two faces – one build on free market system and the other on managed social market system (Stiglitz, 2006:p.3). A project of pushing for “social market system” may continue to reproduce the left and new dimensions of left politics.

Conclusion
There are endless necessary conditions to bring out the “left” into electoral politics, but it will be difficult to draw definitive conclusions about when the overall impact of the electoral game will show positive. It may take long time.

It may be possible that if properly thought out and managed within the organizational thinking of the parties directly contesting the elections, or the parties sending individuals to other parties, may not generate betrayals for personal interests as has always been the case.

References
Carnoy, M. (1984). The Sate and Political Theory. New-Jersy. Princeton University Press.

Eddie, M. (1981). Human Progress and its enemies: The Struggle for a more Human Social Order in Nigeria, Ibadan ACID Books.

Eno, E.T. (1982). Realist, Trotskyites and Anarchists: An open letter to Alhaji Balarabe Musa. National PRP Secretariat.

Eskor, T. (n.d). The Third Republic and the working-class: Reflections on the question of power.

Fiori, G. (1970). Antonio Gramsci: Life of a Revolutionary. London, New Left Books.

Gramsic, A. (1971). Selections from Prison Notebooks. London Lawrence and Wishad.

Ola, O. (1986). Towards a Socialist Political System for Nigeria: The Programme for the Working People. Ibadan. Council for Public Education.

Stiglitz, J. (2006). Globalisation and its discontents: Making globalization work. London. Pengum Books.

Yusif, M. M. (2007). The Social Democratic Party: Reform or Revolution, Mimio.