WTO Mock Summit

Department of Political Science

Beyero University, Kano – Nigeria

 

 

 

Briefing Paper No.4

 

 

 

Politics of Globalization: WTO and International Trade in Services

 

 

By

 

M.M. Yusif – Director of the Mock Summit

 

 

 

March, 2011

 

 

 

Politics of Globalization: WTO and International Trade In Services

 

Introduction

Politics is an expression of struggle to get an upper hand in reaching a common goal or at best to say between different interests. This is as between individuals and groups at local level as is between states and other global interests at international arena.

 

Politics of globalization becomes a tendency among Third World analysts that every social, economic and political problem of developing countries is a product or reflection of the process of globalization. Indeed, there are several theoretical and empirical shortcomings on this approach.

 

From empirical point of view neo-liberal globalization has opened an avenue for the emergence of alternative resources which provides developing countries with opportunities to tackle social, economic and political problems. These resources which could be reached around made some developing country regimes to build the political will to capture and utilize these opportunities and benefit immensely from the new world market created by neo-liberal globalization.

 

Thus, globalization – development nexus which raises debate on globalization role in bringing development does not see these changes impeding efforts to bring about fundamental systemic positive change both at the world-scale and within Third World countries.

 

Nevertheless the discourse rages between pro-globalists who insist that globalization does not put any obstacle for development and anti-globalists who think otherwise. In any case, there are globalization skeptics who argued that there are good and bad sides of globalization for development of human society. (Held, 1999).

 

Theories on this relationship have not ended there. There are many others of a globalist theorizing such as neo-classical and Ricardian economic theory, class conflict approach to the world economy, various versions of dependency, development and underdevelopment, regulation and transformation of capitalist relations at national level, etc.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) which is the core of this discussion. Perhaps, because the WTO governs the world market and is the organization which sets rules and regulations for movement of goods and services, the complex global power relations is openly and clearly seen working there.

 

WTO and the Politics of Globalization

There are diverse interests and network of interests each trying to by-pass the other within the structure of operations in the WTO. That was later development. From the beginning quads i.e. U.S.A., E. U., Canada and Japan enjoyed some years of dominance. Other members were only "screaming". They did not know what to do. The "seattle" opened their "eyes" and they began to put diverse interests into groups, Alliances and Coalitions. All within the structure of the governance of the WTO.

 

Now, this organization has become ungovernable. It remains all of it now is full of opposition, negativity, and struggle. The recent financial crisis which is deliberately triggered to bring harmony among the bigger global interests and to impose their solution on others, did not work.

 

Consultations are still going on, but of the type which has produced the World Trade Organization from the womb of General Agreement on Tariff and Trade. The outcome may be either to allow WTO to die like "dracula" or to give it a reform. What kind of reform? The kind which brought GATT from ITO or as said above WTO from GATT?

 

Whatever is going to happen the question is what would be the fate of the Agreements and other Rules which have governed the functions of WTO.

 

GATS

Yes! Many Agreements and Rules. The General Agreement on Trade in services (GATS) is one of them. Trade in service was first covered by international trade agreements during the Uruguay Round, but the history of such discussions and negotiations dates to the late 1970s. At that time the US based communications multinational corporations wanted to expand GATT rules to facilitate the expansion of the global operations of communication transnational corporations within a predictable and universal legal framework.

 

Mick Brooks (2001) noted that "before going into negotiations about the on-going GATS liberalization, Charlene Bersheosky (head of the US delegation) asked the coalition of service industries, a big business forum what they wanted. They gave her a shopping list – health care, hospital care, home care, dental care, child care, elder care, education, museums, libraries, law, social assistance, architecture, energy, water resources, environmental protection, real estate, insurance, tourism, postal service, transport, publishing, broadcasting …".

 

What of others equally very important or even of more ramifications in globalization of the world such as basic telecommunication, financial services, movement of natural persons and services in investment?

 

No doubt, the logic of capitalist development today is to capture and control the lives and means of living of the people.

 

That is what GATS contains. The meaning of services as provided in the Agreement is not precise. The Agreement does not give exact description of what not services are. Sometimes trade in services is distinguished from trade in goods, by goods that are manufactured. Yet, there are still goods that are manufactured which could be covered by other agreements, but could also be covered by GATS. There is therefore no point in searching for a definitive meaning and categorization of services.

 

This is a conscious manipulation by legal and diplomatic framework which would create a wider space which at any moment something could be found to appease an unsatisfied party for example, from the beginning, developing country members of WTO refused definition of services which includes investment in services but then movement of natural persons came in to console them. The game worked well to protect the interest of monopolies, as while negotiation in investment in services is concluded successfully, negotiation on movement of natural persons still is not.

 

The growth of service sector in Europe, USA and Japan became an alternative to declining profitability, and the risk of social as well as health hazards of the manufacturing production system. A new capitalist form of production with higher growth rate at least from 1970s, must be internationalized in order to survive as a response to decline of capitalism.

 

The story of promoting trade and investment in service internationally goes to show how changes in the structure of industry in USA led to shift in US trade and foreign policy with a view to project the interest of the growing service sector in the economy of the United States of America. This gave rise to New Trade Act, 1980 and the undiplomatic and unilateral foreign policy strategy of USA to force developing countries to open their markets for the service industry.

 

This throws further light on the inclusion of trade in services under the Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations. At the end of the Round, there emerged general Agreement on Trade in services. Since, then Agreements have been reached on telecommunications and financial services, resulting in substantial liberalization commitments, but negotiations have to continue on other sectors.

 

There was also a gap left for future negotiations on how some WTO rules such as government procurement, emergency safeguard mechanism, subsidies and market access are to be applied on trade in services.

 

The Doha controversy did not spare trade in services. Therefore, negotiations are not concluded when another dimension as "trade for development" of developing countries is introduced into already existing problem. The Doha work progremme (2005) observed that "the negotiations on trade in services shall proceed to their conclusion with a view to promoting the economic growth of all trading partners and the development of developing and least developed countries, and with due for the right of members to regulate" (WTO, 2005).

The negotiations, it is restated should aimed to a higher level of liberalization of trade in services, but as the said Doha work programme noted "with appropriate flexibility for individual developing countries as provided for in Article xix of the GATS" (ibid.).

 

Furthermore, the programme emphasized that "negotiations shall have regard to the size of economics of individual members, both overall and in individual sectors" (ibid.).

 

The objective of the negotiations is that the economic circumstances of less developed countries, including the difficulties they face must be taken into consideration, and therefore, "not to be expected to undertake new commitment".

 

The conflict of interests between many different groups in global trade, over principle of trade for development, which now virtually made WTO as if it does not exist, does not spare trade and investment in services. But from Uruguay through concun, there were no new difficulties. Negotiations were smooth. As Hong Kong comes closer the situation changed. The chair of the WTO Services Trade Negotiations Committee, Alejandro Jara, concluded in July 2005 that "Notwithstanding the fact that the number of offers has improved…. Most members feel that the negotiations are not progressing as they should. It is clear that much more work will be necessary in order to bring the quality of the package to a level that would allow for a deal".

 

Recent assessment on where do things stand is generally the same as in other agreements under WTO regime. Negotiations based on request-and-offer process have not proved to be fruitful. May be a complementary negotiating methods could have been more useful. Yet, there is the need to secure wider sectoral coverage and certain degree of openness and transparency.

 

The greater challenge in negotiation is to complete the negotiations within the WTO framework of rules – safeguards, government procurement, subsidies, market access, and domestic regulation – to conclude and seal General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS).

 

References

Aaditya Mattoo (2006). "Services in a Devlopment Round: Proposals for Overcoming Inertia". In Richard Newformer (ed.). Trade, Doha and Devlopment: A Window into the Issues. The World Bank Trade Department. Washington D.C.

 

Held D., McGrew, A.G., Gold blatt, D. and Perration, J. (1999). Global Transformation: Politics, Economics and Culture. Cambridge: Polity.

 

Harry G.B. (1994) "GATS: The Uruguay Round Accord on International Trade and Investment in Services". The World Economy vol. 17 No. 3

 

Peoples Health Movement (2006). The General Agreement on Trade in Services: Globalization and the Impact on Health – A Third World View. Website.

 

UNDP (2008), Making Global Trade work for People. New York: Earthscan Publication

 

WTO (1993). The Legal Texts.

 

WTO (2005). Doha Work Programme. Draft Ministerial Declaration. Ministerial conference, Hong Kong.

 

WTO (2006). The General Agreement on Trade in Services. WTO website.

 

WTO (2006). A Handbook on the GATS Agreement: Coambridge: University Press.

 

WTO News (N. D.) The General Agreement on Trade in Services )GATS): Objectives, Coverage and Disciplines. WTO Website.

 

 

 

Appendix I

WTO – Mock Summit Group

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

 

Programme of Mini Ministerial Conference August, 2011

 

Politics of globalization

WTO and international trade in services – negotiation continuous

 

Introduction

WTO mock summit has become a major event in Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria campus which hundreds of people around the campuses, the Kano Community and from across Nigeria, are waiting of the date to come.

 

In December, 2010 we held the sixth round – a Mini – Ministerial conference called "Geneva 2010". We are not unaware of the stalemate which arrested the normal functions of the WTO. Since Qatar Ministerial Summit which came up with Doha Development Agenda, the Great global trade Organization i.e. the WTO is set moving at a snail motion. From Cancun in 2003 through Hong Kong in 2005, the disagreements and conflicts over trade issues became sharper.

From the period after Hong Kong to 2007 there were many Consultative meetings of various group interests in the organization to break the deadlock to continue with management of international trade to serve the development benefits of all members.

 

The 2008 financial crisis introduced another dimension to the problem as liberalization of financial services could be seen as cause of the global financial meltdown. Consultation continues to find away forward but the last known mini-ministerial consultative forum was in Delhi 2009.

 

In general, consultations and negotiations are going, what will be the outcome is not yet clear. The WTO-Mock Summit Group is following and noting the performance of the real WTO. In the Group, there is global trade monitor unit, also trade research group. There is also WTO News Monitor and we receive mails directly from the secretariat of the WTO.

 

Therefore, we make informal intervention in the work of the WTO. For example, in 2009 we examined Agreement on Agriculture and the question of food security, and then recommend for immediate review of the Agreement, which we sent to the Director-General of WTO through the website of the WTO-Mock Summit. In 2010 it was a brainstorm on Doha Round, the global financial crisis and the implication for multilateral trading system. The objective is to break the deadlock over Doha Agenda to pave the way for a fresh trade talk under WTO regime.

 

The 2010 Mock Conference imagined three Scenarious:

1. That there is going to be an understanding by resolving the major problems which will lead to agreement to call a full Ministerial delegate trade talk.
   
2. That the consultation itself will breakdown as delegates could not find a meeting point to map a new path for WTO.
   
3. That all delegates may agree that there is progress but consultation and negotiations are to continue to concretize creating a road forward.
   

The end of 2010 WTO-Mock Mini-Minesterial summit is a substantial progress in some areas but consultation and negotiations continue in others. The general Agreement on Trade in Services is a potent instrument of globalization and economic integration with numerous unresolved offers and questions to be clarified and yet has not appeared to members and the general public as controversial.

 

The importance of GATS to globalization and to multilateral trade is that it is it that presents many elements of analysis and understanding of globalization beyond marketisation and expansion of trade, but neo-liberal globalization as new relations of production of a post-modern capitalism.

Furthermore, the recent global financial crisis could be traced to liberalization of movement of money under the WTO Agreement on Financial services which is an Annex to GATS.

 

Even with recovery, there are different layers of conflict and struggle including on trade and investment in services. This year we are going to reflect deeply on issues pertaining to international trade in services.

 

The theme of the mock summit is "The politics of globalization: WTO and international trade in services – Negotiation continues.

 

Accordingly, it is going to be a Mini-Ministerial Mock Summit to hold in Mock Geneva Organised by the General Council of the WTO.

 

After Uruguay Round of Negotiations which delivered GATS, the first negotiation to define general terms of the Agreement was in January, 2000. Negotiations with understanding, resulted in progressive liberalization, especially of financial and telecommunication services. From there to 2003 it was normal. But by 2005 Ministerial conference and since then GATS become infested by Doha demands.

 

See attached Annex IB of the World Trade Organization Agreements which is "General Agreement on Trade in Services". You would see that the Agreement has six parts with further six Annexes which are integral part of the Agreement.

 

Major highlights are progressive liberalisation of services; trade in service as economic integration; labour markets integration under GATS provisions; harmonization of WTO principles i.e. market access; subsidies; transparency; government; procurement; safeguard measures; under GATS administration; domestic regulation to meet national interest; general exceptions including security exceptions; national treatment etc.

 

The outlook of the provisions of the Agreement would reveal many development implications when implemented:

1. Market access measures would have implications for member governments ability to pursue development strategy.
   
2. The principle of National Treatment enshirined in the Agreement which said foreign companies are to be treated like national companies in giving any favour is a very serious development challenge to developing countries.
   
3. The growth of service industry is stronger and more consolidated in developed countries than in developing ones. Therefore, there is obvious imbalance which if is treated the same in both countries will be at disadvantage of countires from the developing world.
   
4. Developing countries have not yet committed themselves to total commercialization of public services, such as health and education, services that governments have traditionally provided or heavily subsidized. Yet they face pressures relating to the deregulation of these services. These can be seen at three main sources of concern.
   
   1. Whereas GATS rules do not apply to services provided in the exercise of Government authority. But the criterion of government authority does not necessarily prevent the agreement from intruding into the basic services critical to the poor, because the agreement does not clearly define the key terms if not commercial or if not in competition with:
      
   2. GATS do not force governments to privatise, but it facilitates, the commercialization of basic public services either through structural adjustment programmes or by any other pressures.
      
   3. Article vi:4 on domestic regulation is aimed at ensuring quality of public services. In order to achieve quality governments may be forced to deregulate.
      
5. As history has shown, liberalization of financial services such as banking and insurance is likely to cause instability in already weak economies. But under GATS there is already a provision for liberalization of financial sectors which may be inconsistent with developing countries interests and effort for development. And then government regulatory interventions will likely be inconsistent with the GATS.
   
6. A country with deregulation of financial markets may be unable to protect its own banking industry, which would ultimately undermine the creation of financial institutions for longer-term credit support to firms generating new technologies or employment, as well as the development of new financial instruments for small and medium- size enterprises.
   
7. The GATS does not cover labour migration, but skilled and unskilled labour to get market for their services. From developed countries side there are significant barriers against movement from developing world to industrialized countries. Yet! There is lack of commercially meaningful commitment by industrial countries on the movements of natural persons which became a source of imbalance in services trade.
   

Finally, unlike other agreements under WTO regime, what is needed about GATS is not repealing its provisions but to operationalise the development-friendly aspects of it. This means that the developing countries could negotiate the modalities of effective implementation at the sector level, for example at construction services sector; on the movement of natural persons sector the energy sector; the environment sector; financial services sector; transport sector; telecommunication sector; others are about investment, education, water, health, services.

Proposed Countries to be Represented

United State of America

European Union

Japan

Canada

China

India

Brazil

South Africa

Argentina

Peru

Cuba

Malaysia

Nigeria

Venezuela

Ghana

 

Proposed Mock Ministers

1. Audu Saidu
   
2. Samirah Baban Mairam
   
3. Mohammed Mahmoud Hassan
   
4. Zainab Mayaki
   
5. Sagir Mustapha
   
6. abdulmuhsin Ahmad Nuhu
   
7. Hajara Abdulkadir
   
8. Haruna Atama
   
9. Ibrahim Ismail
   
10. Kabiru Basiru
    
11. Five others later
    
12. Also two observers later
    
13. Junior O.
    
14. Najibullahi Abdullah Nuhu
    

Others

1. Mohammed Umar Usman
   
2. Abdulhamid Abbas Rabiu
   
3. Mukhtar Mohammed (Computer Science)
   
4. Junaidu Abdulkadir (Sociology)
   

The Working Groups

1. Maryam Sunusi Sani
   
2. Abdulganiyu Rufai Yakubu
   
3. Mansur Abdullahi
   
4. Mohammed Salisu Ismail
   
5. Aminu Bello
   
6. Aremu Adamu Alhassan
   
7. Adamu Adamu Alhassan
   
8. Muhammad Naziru Halliru
   
9. Rilwan Abdussalam
   
10. Umar A. Alkali
    
11. Kingsley O.
    

Topics of the Working Groups Respectively of the Names Above

1. GATS: An assessment
   
2. GATS: implications for development of developing countries
   
3. The Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations; The case of Agreement on Services
   
4. WTO, GATS and the impact on Health services in Third World Countries
   
5. WTO, GATS and the impact on Education in Third World Countries
   
6. Financial services, liberalization and globalization: social and Economic Consequences.
   
7. Growth of Global Trade: Services Perspective
   
8. GATS and integration of labour market: Myth reality?
   
9. GATS: An instrument for faster globalization
   
10. GATS and multilateralisation of trade
    
11. GATS, investment services and development of developing countries
    
12. GATS and challenges in National Policy
    

Media Coverage

A common message which I send to every annual media team of WTO-Mock Summit is that "…the beauty and excitement of the summit and ability to carry the audience depend on what the media actors have creatively organized to project the performance".

 

Since we have started in 2005 one of the creative elements we have displayed to general public within the campus is that the media crew with many members, each playing a role, reports the performance alive.

 

Educationists say experience is a store of knowledge and in the mock-Summit we have collection of it which makes us to raise the summit to higher standard every annual performance.

 

From 2008 the organization and reporting by the media crew became professional. In 2009 it was given international standard and was televised alive on the campus through the existing facilities of the Department of Mass Communication. The last one i.e. 2010 WTO-Mock Summit saw another path breaking improvement both in a professional organization of reporting and in using of new facilities. The 2010 media team has beautiful ideas which would cause to televise the performance alive beyond BUK campus and produce the play for sale. I have no doubt that 2011 would move these to reality.

 

As in 2010 performance, in this year we will also open up for voluntary services and advice from media practitioners around Kano and beyond. We would particularly continue to appreciate and welcome Sadiq Tamimuddari – ex-member of the Mock Summit in the media crew who returns every year to give helping ideas – and Garzali Yakubu, from Freedom Radio.

 

In 2011, we call for more innovations and improvement on the reporting from the media crew. Meanwhile, the most important preparatory things for media roles are:

1. To read all the necessary papers prepared for the performance
   
2. To understand the issues, subject-matter and the message intended to put across
   
3. To know the actors identities and mock names for the purpose of accurate reporting
   
4. To be able to add "media jokes" to the performance to be impressed by any one who sees it.
   
5. To introduce modern information technology facilities and if possible to televise it alive to be monitored outside the campus.
   
6. To organize media chats with participants either before the mock summit commences or after or both
   
7. To encourage various student associations to cover the occasion and report in their newsletters and magazines.
   
8. Finally, to invite national media houses to cover the occasion
   

Members of Media Crew

1. Habu Abubakar
   
2. Abubakar Idris
   
3. Hassan Abdussalam
   
4. Basirat Abdulwahab
   
5. Others to join
   

 

Members of the Organizing Committee 2010/2011

S/N	Name	Dept.	Position	Phone No.
1.	Maryam S. Sani	Pol. Sc.
2.	Abdulganiyu R. Y.	Agric. Sc
3.	Mohd S. Ismail	Pol. Sc.
4.	Mansur Abdullahi	"
5.	Aminu Bello	"
6.	Aremu Lateef	"
7.	Alhassan Adamu A.	"
8.	Rilwan Abdussalam	"
9.	Mohd Naziru H.	"
10.	Umar A. Alkali	"
11.	Salisu Ado Bayero	"
12.	Farida Kombo	"
13.	Haruna Atama	"
14.	Rep. Media Crew
15.	Rep. Security Team
16.	Rep. HR Activities

 

Terms of Reference

1. To mobilize funding for hosting a get together for mock summit actors who graduated in 2011
   
2. To raise fund for WTO-Mock Summit 2011
   
3. To take care of all other logistics and the administration of the summit 2011
   
4. To disseminate the mission of the summit in and out of Bayero University, Kano
   
5. Any other assignment that may arise.
   

 

Preparation for the Mock-Summit

• Roles would be assigned within the first five weeks of the New Academic year.
  
• The Organizing Committee would be inaugurated by the Director during the same period.
  
• The participants would be guided to start an independent research work and preparation on the position papers they are going to present during the summit.
  
• There are going to be series of working groups discussions and workshops on the subject-matter of the summit before the end of the first semester.
  
• Also to pay a courtesy call to the vice-chancellor before the end of the semester.
  
• As we open for the second semester each participant is expected to submit his/her paper for assessment, corrections and editorial work.
  
• In the end all reports of commission chairmen, observers and trade delegates would be computer processed and bound for circulation during the summit.
  
• Then some further discussions and training which all participants are expected to attend. Those who do not without convincing reason would be dropped there.
  
• Finally, a period of one or two weeks, of re-thinking and preparing the logistics.
  

The summit will hold during the first half of the second semester.

The Unexpected Revolution from above has Failed

The social division over April 2011 Nigerian General Elections became obvious. Although there is no organised structure to unseat the dominant ruling party at all levels of Government – Local, State and Federal, there is mass opinion to vote out at least the president at Federal level.

Perhaps, never in the political history of Nigeria have people ever come out with enthusiasm and defined political calculation to vote in the elections. Indeed, Nigerians have become sharply divided, especially between the two major contestants of the seat of the presidency.

One of them popularly called "Mai Gaskiya" is the candidate of Congress for Progressive Change. His common statements to the people during campaign is that he held public offices but was never found of stealing public funds. He always added that corruption is caused by indiscipline and so he is going to bring discipline and turn back all the injustices in socio-economic and political relations between the people.

The other who represents the Peoples Democratic Party, of the dominant Nigerian elites and the incumbent president, is seen as the carrier of poverty, corruption and mismanagement of government resources, as well as all other social evils among the poor Nigerians.

These two have built community of supporters which could be defined in class terms but used dangerous ethnic and religious mobilization to add more followers for their agenda – but towards the presidential election the religious was diminishing, showing it is struggle over social and state power. In one of the campaign slogans which entered my SMS line on April 15^th, 2011, it said "Don't be deceived. The contest is not between Christians and Muslims; its between people who looted and keep looting the treasury and honest men who want a better Nigeria (emphasis mine).

Now, the question to pose is where is the revolutionary aspirations could be found? From the presidential campaign of the popular alternative candidate it seems as if the blue print for making a revolution – against capitalism? - is first to start with good management of resources, then everything will follow. Yes! It is possible. Fidel Castro started the Cuban Revolution with organized program and movement against corruption but emerged to power after the institutions of the corrupt practices were destroyed and from there he carried the revolution. In the case of Nigerian Presidential candidate, he wanted to inherit and preside over these institutions to change them. Is this possible? It is not impossible within the framework outline below.

Or is it the Buhari Project Nigeria which is going to be the basis of the change? If examined critically, the Buhari Project Nigeria 2003 did not embrace any agenda against capitalism. But many eclectic policy proposals of state interventionism white at the same time not rejecting neo-liberalism; public control of the economy but not against private ownership; nationalization of some enterprises but not against foreign capital participation. Most fundamentally, there is no mention of democracy anywhere in the whole document. By 2007, however, Buhari's electoral platform in ANPP did not even carry the 2003 promised project for Nigeria.

Meanwhile, since now he contested on the platform of "the congress for progressive change"; he would most probably start with a more objective four point cardinal programme of the party which it said would be achieved during its first tenure in government.

Whichever of these, it is going to be an unexpected revolution. Whereas these may not seem effective as an alternative, but with wider democratic space, people could be made to make contribution of ideas to open discourse that would facilitate tremendous new possibilities for revolutionary change. Any way is this alternative candidate disposed to this kind of method?

The above observed, but this is not the time of analysis about the "revolution". Now, we may ask, in view of these, who would be the winner of the election is the question of power relations locally and globally.

The reality of politics in Nigeria or anywhere else is an expression of economic power. This economic power, especially in developing countries is not independent of global trajectory of economic interests. Subsequently, the present trend of globalization of capitalism, and the growing less importance of the national elements of capitalism, make the global power relations more paramount.

When some Nigerian News Papers (e.g. Vanguard, April 5^th) observed that "INEC does its job with US's help", is a point for theoretical reflection instead of to be thrown overboard as if is a piece of finished pie. In a country like Nigeria, of important strategic interest to varied global forces, in local change of leadership, both local and global interests would become mutually reinforcing on each other to find a convenient result of acceptable leadership to them.

Furthermore, the structure of modern capitalism today concentrates wealth in the hands of fewer elites, whom in the case of Nigeria, all are located within state institutions or enjoying the patronage of the state. The system is also chracterised by concentration of political power in the hands of those who control the economic resources.

By the same logic this ultimately operates against democracy because the rules and nature of the game may exclude the less powerful of the political elites or systematically weaken them.

This would give rise to fame, both new and old transnationally-oriented political elites and "midas" (the new riches whom you don't know how and where they made their wealth) whom in most cases have taken over control of the national resources and the state institutions.

These political elites who also combine as economic, military and big business elites are by simple arithmetical calculations more numerous in Peoples Democratic Party. They are Chief Executives of all Federal Government Ministries and Agencies; directors in big multinational corporations including the oil companies; big contractors etc. Of course some few of them are sympathetic of other political parties.

It is very clear to all Nigerians that the official and unofficial financial commitment of April elections is a history. The president himself – Jonathan Goodluck made a seemingly controversial statement after voting in his village when he said "Nigeria cannot afford a re-run election because it is going to be too expensive for the country to handle". What of the unofficial expenses and the various contributions by foreign organizations and agencies. All these put together can develop Nigeria in one year to become like Brazil, India, South Africa or even China. Is that not so?

Ordinarily, in the context of this complex relationships who would have won the presidential election. I think it is predictable.

However, political relationships could be reversed. In the context of the history and configuration of forces there is need of;

1. A patient political work to build a counter hegemony against the existing dominant political class
   
2. To accomplish No. 1 above to a desired goal there is need of erecting an alliance of political elites with a clearly new agenda for development of Nigeria.
   
3. To agree on an active political party with a national vision, without any religious and or regional identity.
   
4. The program of the alliance is to be carefully thought out with a strategy of confronting neo-liberal capitalism.
   
5. A media mouth piece of the party with dedicated ideologues to educate the people on principles and the issues concerned rather than on religious, regional or personal characteristics of the political elites.
   
6. Again, for a guaranteed and sustainable progressive change there is need to go beyond "Gaskiya" strategy. This question of to search and or only to approve "Mai Gaskiya" as candidates of CPC at various levels in the April elections resulted in confusion and corruption.
   
7. Without conscious mobilization of the people, the CPC candidate's popularity rose rapidly in the North of Nigeria. This shows that the people are ready for change, and so to sustain that, there is need of a clearly defined political program to mobilize them.
   

M.M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano – 18-04-11

The Dilemma of Neo-Liberal Youths in Nigeria: The Post April 16^th Violence

 

Neo-liberal economic policies in Nigeria brought profound transformation which produced significant changes in social and labour conflict and protest. One of the novelties in the resistance against SAP was that in both 1986, 1989 and 1991 SAP riots by coalition of Nigerian students, academic staff of Nigerian Universities and labour movement, was a support and solidarity of the new urban youths, small traders and in the case of the 1989 riots, in some big cities by primary and secondary schools pupils, police and even by ethnic and community vanguards.

 

After the third phase of the anti-SAP riots in 1991 when the neo-liberal system became consolidated, a new trend of the changes was set in with more dangerous consequences on the new urban youths. Devaluation of the currency, removal of petroleum subsidies by increasing pump prices of petroleum and other related products, increasing collapse of industries, etc. produced inflation thereby increasing poverty and unemployment.

 

In the same way neo-liberal economy has led to decline of modern economic activities as well as of traditional economy hence graduates of tertiary institutions cannot be absorbed, small-owners of capital have lost it, majority of primary and secondary schools leavers cannot proceed, etc. These combined to produce large contingents of reserve army of workers to facilitate the profitability of capital. Yes! This is a great benefit to the capitalist system as the dominant forms of employment today are by contract, casual or as temporary employment.

 

Furthermore, neo-liberal globalization may also be associated with increased inequality and volatility, which may be seen in skewed income distribution. In Nigeria, where we see it nakedly, very few, the kind Anthony Sampson called the "Midas", who owned the wealth of Nigeria. For Anthony Sampson these are the modern or the post-modern? riches but we do not know how they got their riches. Although in Nigeria it is simple to know as if they are not within the state machinery, they must be on the patronage of the state.

 

Their wealth is shown with the extravagance clearly bringing out the inequality which antagonizes the urban neo-liberal youths. Political liberalization to soften the social difficulties created by the market system has opened the eyes of the youths for a productive employment (sic!) in the economy. They are used by the political class to show violence against political opponents. Unfortunately there is no regular guaranteed wages paid. Payment comes only in kind in form of money to buy intoxicants to sustain the perpetration of violence. Thus, in the political industry in Nigeria, neo-liberal capitalism has reversed the logic of the development of capitalism by producing independent workers surviving on wages.

 

This trend of mobilization and participation of the neo-liberal youths to work in the political market has exposed them to contradictions in Nigeria's society. They see and unload lorries full of all sort of foreign currencies and the Naira into politicians houses. They also deliver bags, full with Naira notes to clergymen and sheikhs, and yet the social relations must be preserved, so that they got money only to buy intoxicants.

 

The violence which erupted after announcement of the result of the presidential election held on April 16^th; is a serious critique of political representation in Nigeria. Instead of to be seen merely as misguided violence, we are to start focusing what happened as anti-politics so that we can raise issues in a more fundamental way.

 

However, what will complicate an objective understanding of the crisis is that it did not take a national dimension. Only in a section i.e. Northern part of the country. Nevertheless, the current globalization not only has increased inequality between people, but also between regions, and nations. Therefore it is quite uneven in its processes and impact and gives rise to more benefits or negative counter-effects differently on different communities. It could bring marginalization of entire region in a nation or regions of the world economy.

 

Indeed, recent studies by the World Bank and the United Nation Development Programme revealed that there is more poverty in Northern Nigeria than in Southern Nigeria. Although their position is theoretically informed by optimist perspective of globalization, which says that the more society becomes opened to global market system the more development and less poverty, yet the empirical evidence in their reports is self-explanatory.

 

Accordingly, the embattled youths is an objective reality produced by neo-liberal economic relations. Similar forces with similar characteristics are also produced in Latin American, Asian and some other African cities. So, the "yan Jagaliya" in Kano, "yan kalare" in Gombe, "Yan sara suka" in Bauchi, and "yan yirni" in Maiduguri and others in other major cities in Nigeria are a reflection of a new process of class/group formation set by neo-liberal economic process.

 

In recorded history of the last 20 years, these forces have become agents of change – for democracy and political resistance – in many developing countries. In Nairobi, Kenya this similar group had become a strong body in control of the city to bargain for justice from the neo-liberal political and economic elites. In spite of whatever ethnic label given to them in Kenya, they became very significant in causing an alliance of alternative democratic parties which constitutionally through election removed from power the PDP-type cabal of corruption in Kenya.

 

On the other hand, if the post-presidential election crisis in Nigeria, as some others may argue is not by the new urban youths, the evidence seen on the ground is that the new youths constitute the larger forces, and from theoretical point of view, there is no any political action which would not bring other forces together. As history has shown many years ago that any struggle for political change that does not bring many interests together is dead.

 

In order to probe what the political agenda of the new youths is, theoretical is to ask what is the relationship between the state and this new group at one level and at another level the state and this kind of anti-institutional form of resistance.

 

Unlike in Latin American and Asian cities where this new group is allowed to form unemployment movement and state institutions formed to control and regulate them respectively. In African cities they pre left to compete in the market system. Each one of them is to see anything practicable to join in order to survive. They are such that there is no one to speak on their behalf, and not even having any idea about their collective interest.

In view of this, there is no any written document to assess their short and long-term plan for Nigeria. And what counter plan do they harbour in case they are attacked by the state after the crisis calms down. Therefore, analysis of their dilemma is only by their action.

 

Roadblocks and street fighting everywhere in Kano, Zaria, Kaduna, Bauchi, Gombe and many other towns and cities. With slogans "no PDP", "sai Maigaskiya". Any one who said no to these slogans is sent to death within a blink of an eye. Then there was invasion and occupation of all known PDP associates and sympathizer's houses.

 

What does this tell about the political and economic agenda of these youths? Whether this new social group i.e. the new urban youth know or not, on that day of the protest i.e. April 18^th, 2011, there was a contest of state power in most Northern states. In these contested areas, Zaria for example, there were burning of PDP offices, prisons, the houses of PDP chiefs etc. Here and the other contested cities there were war as the state came with full force of its police and the Armed forces to dislodge the rebels in all the contested areas. A curfew had to be placed which pulled out all other people to withdraw to their homes which exposed the new youth to more dangers and insecurity which made them too to withdraw quietly. With a weakened state in areas of the conflict, in the same day of the riots, the president and abnormally his vice-president received their certificates of victory in the elections from INEC, which all other parties refused to sign, as if they fear the elections may be cancelled. And this is followed by announcement in a speech to the nation by the president that a Judicial Commission of Inquiry would be appointed by Federal Government to investigate the protest. Unfortunately before the Judicial Commission is sworn-in, a caption on NTA news said "Federal Government blamed CPC for riots in the North".

 

A counter-power came out but was immediately disorganized. It is not surprising as the forces themselves are not clear, are confused or are they in dilemma? Because they were shouting "Sai Maigaskiya" – sending slogans against looting but many stories tell how they broke into houses of PDP chieftains and gone with money and other properties.

 

With a deeper reflection of what happened one may tend to pose an idea on what foresight for democracy and healthy political opposition in Nigeria? The following are the building blocks:

1. A law could be provided nationally and at state levels to allow the neo-liberal youths to form an unemployment movement and allowed to bargain for improvement of their welfare.
   
2. A new work system under the current globalization has changed the dynamics of labour and the process of labour formation. The Nigeria's Labour Movement should take this into recognition so that it can create a framework of alliance with unemployed movement and struggle to unionized groups such as "yan Achaba", "okada" etc.
   
3. A state institution may be created to regulate the unemployed by among other things providing them with welfare services, business education, guarantorship for credit facilities from financial institutions, etc.
   
4. To involve them in Government policies pertaining to fair income distribution.
   
5. Generally give them political education training about nation-building. Let them become vanguards of nation-building.
   

 

M.M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

21/04/2011

 

This paper has to be acknowledged whenever is used for purpose of scholarship

Further Issues in Theoretical Framework in Social Sciences Research

Theoretical Framework in Social Science Research is the torchlight which shows the direction of what relevant data to pursue, but along the way an unexpected data may be seen in the collections. It is also it that consistently supposed to light how analysis of data could be done. But since there are traces of many other information in the store of the data collected, they must not be sorted out and thrown away. That is why every theoretical framework in social sciences research is not complete if is not constructed with elements that are against its main assumptions.

 

In the first paper which is titled "Theoretical Framework in Social Sciences Research", we have tried to bring out the meaning of theory, by what means a theory of research can be made and how a theoretical framework could be constructed.

 

Having observed that students at all levels – in the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano – are continuously in confusion about theory formation in social research, it is appropriate to raise further issues.

 

These issues are numerous to be counted here. But very few of methodological importance:

1. Very often you find that there is no relationship between the literature review and the theoretical framework.
   
2. In many cases one would see that the relationship between the theory and the data is zero. Therefore, when analysis of the data is presented, would not see any assumption of the theoretical framework in it.
   
3. Many other researchers think that they must obtain an already existing theory to apply in their studies.
   
4. The theoretical framework gives an overall orientation of a research work including definition of key concepts. But it is very common to find operational definition of concepts from different perspectives.
   

Now lets take each one of these for further examination and recommendation.

 

Literature review is an assessment of many existing theoretical positions on the subject of the study. As pointed in the first paper, abstract positions are not the only theoretical views. A story can be orderly presented and become a theory. All these when relevant to the subject could be reviewed as theoretical positions under the literature review.

 

Theoretical framework of a research can be derived from one or a combination of theoretical positions. As one economic geographer puts it in social research "there is neither a single point of inquiry, nor a single logic, spatial or otherwise. The best we can hope for are shards and fragments; not one complete story but a set of fragmented stories".

 

Specifically referring to economic geography but can apply to other social sciences. This kind of theory formation and or application provides constructivist understanding of a subject as in postmodernist, post-structuralist and a number of other related critical frameworks.

 

Without even a section on theoretical framework the theoretical positions from literature review can be used to do the analysis. But if a regulation of a university says create a section on theoretical framework, okay do it, but should reflect theoretical positions from the literature review. Theoretical positions or fragments as economic geographer Trevor Barnes said is possible would give a more critical understanding of the subject.

 

This follows the idea that research is a social criticism and so in doing research we need to be critical for fear that we end up seeing what we want to see. From philosophical point of view this draws particularly from the works of French theorists such as Michael Foucault and Jacques Derrida who argue that our understandings of the world do not constitute objective knowledge but are constructions based on our individual experiences and on the fluidity of meaning of words. In other words knowledge is often subjective based on our understanding of the world, what we already know of it and how we interprete it and other texts about it, through other theoretical framework.

 

The second issue. The question of the relationship between theory and data. Contribution to knowledge is always determined by the relationship between theory and observation or data. Although the relationship varies, it may be adequate or inadequate, yet it must be seen that there is a theory informing the observation made or the analysis of data that is being made.

 

This drives us to the third problem mentioned. This is about constructing or searching (sic) of a theoretical framework. I remember one Phd. Candidate in political science going like a beggar with his cap in hand asking anybody he sees that he's begging for a theoretical framework of his work. And do you know? He was begging of a theoretical framework after he has finalized a topic (may be in the same way), a research problem, hypotheses (which is also a theory), and literature review. There are numerous of this example among researchers at sub-degree and undergraduate levels.

 

This reveals a confusion, a methodological one for that matter, which reduces the power of social sciences research to make contribution for national development of Nigeria. Thus, the researches become mere composition in the chosen languages which when read will not change the imagination and capacity of the readers to think towards more ideas on the subject.

 

However, it is not disputed that a theoretical framework may be an already existing theory, or a modification of an already existing theory, but a researcher may drive an assumption either based on a contribution of any other writer or not and construct his/her theory of a research.

 

The last major flaw raised in construction of theoretical framework in social sciences research is the relationship between operational definition of concepts and the theory of the research. If the other concepts and the theory of the research are too unparallel, the research report and outcome may be incoherent. Although in post-modern research this is tolerable, but the theoretical framework is to be constructed with theories that could accommodate all diversities of the concepts and even the data.

 

M.M. Yusif

April, 2011

 

When this paper is used must be acknowledged