The Dilemma of Neo-Liberal Youths in Nigeria: The Post April 16^th Violence

 

Neo-liberal economic policies in Nigeria brought profound transformation which produced significant changes in social and labour conflict and protest. One of the novelties in the resistance against SAP was that in both 1986, 1989 and 1991 SAP riots by coalition of Nigerian students, academic staff of Nigerian Universities and labour movement, was a support and solidarity of the new urban youths, small traders and in the case of the 1989 riots, in some big cities by primary and secondary schools pupils, police and even by ethnic and community vanguards.

 

After the third phase of the anti-SAP riots in 1991 when the neo-liberal system became consolidated, a new trend of the changes was set in with more dangerous consequences on the new urban youths. Devaluation of the currency, removal of petroleum subsidies by increasing pump prices of petroleum and other related products, increasing collapse of industries, etc. produced inflation thereby increasing poverty and unemployment.

 

In the same way neo-liberal economy has led to decline of modern economic activities as well as of traditional economy hence graduates of tertiary institutions cannot be absorbed, small-owners of capital have lost it, majority of primary and secondary schools leavers cannot proceed, etc. These combined to produce large contingents of reserve army of workers to facilitate the profitability of capital. Yes! This is a great benefit to the capitalist system as the dominant forms of employment today are by contract, casual or as temporary employment.

 

Furthermore, neo-liberal globalization may also be associated with increased inequality and volatility, which may be seen in skewed income distribution. In Nigeria, where we see it nakedly, very few, the kind Anthony Sampson called the "Midas", who owned the wealth of Nigeria. For Anthony Sampson these are the modern or the post-modern? riches but we do not know how they got their riches. Although in Nigeria it is simple to know as if they are not within the state machinery, they must be on the patronage of the state.

 

Their wealth is shown with the extravagance clearly bringing out the inequality which antagonizes the urban neo-liberal youths. Political liberalization to soften the social difficulties created by the market system has opened the eyes of the youths for a productive employment (sic!) in the economy. They are used by the political class to show violence against political opponents. Unfortunately there is no regular guaranteed wages paid. Payment comes only in kind in form of money to buy intoxicants to sustain the perpetration of violence. Thus, in the political industry in Nigeria, neo-liberal capitalism has reversed the logic of the development of capitalism by producing independent workers surviving on wages.

 

This trend of mobilization and participation of the neo-liberal youths to work in the political market has exposed them to contradictions in Nigeria's society. They see and unload lorries full of all sort of foreign currencies and the Naira into politicians houses. They also deliver bags, full with Naira notes to clergymen and sheikhs, and yet the social relations must be preserved, so that they got money only to buy intoxicants.

 

The violence which erupted after announcement of the result of the presidential election held on April 16^th; is a serious critique of political representation in Nigeria. Instead of to be seen merely as misguided violence, we are to start focusing what happened as anti-politics so that we can raise issues in a more fundamental way.

 

However, what will complicate an objective understanding of the crisis is that it did not take a national dimension. Only in a section i.e. Northern part of the country. Nevertheless, the current globalization not only has increased inequality between people, but also between regions, and nations. Therefore it is quite uneven in its processes and impact and gives rise to more benefits or negative counter-effects differently on different communities. It could bring marginalization of entire region in a nation or regions of the world economy.

 

Indeed, recent studies by the World Bank and the United Nation Development Programme revealed that there is more poverty in Northern Nigeria than in Southern Nigeria. Although their position is theoretically informed by optimist perspective of globalization, which says that the more society becomes opened to global market system the more development and less poverty, yet the empirical evidence in their reports is self-explanatory.

 

Accordingly, the embattled youths is an objective reality produced by neo-liberal economic relations. Similar forces with similar characteristics are also produced in Latin American, Asian and some other African cities. So, the "yan Jagaliya" in Kano, "yan kalare" in Gombe, "Yan sara suka" in Bauchi, and "yan yirni" in Maiduguri and others in other major cities in Nigeria are a reflection of a new process of class/group formation set by neo-liberal economic process.

 

In recorded history of the last 20 years, these forces have become agents of change – for democracy and political resistance – in many developing countries. In Nairobi, Kenya this similar group had become a strong body in control of the city to bargain for justice from the neo-liberal political and economic elites. In spite of whatever ethnic label given to them in Kenya, they became very significant in causing an alliance of alternative democratic parties which constitutionally through election removed from power the PDP-type cabal of corruption in Kenya.

 

On the other hand, if the post-presidential election crisis in Nigeria, as some others may argue is not by the new urban youths, the evidence seen on the ground is that the new youths constitute the larger forces, and from theoretical point of view, there is no any political action which would not bring other forces together. As history has shown many years ago that any struggle for political change that does not bring many interests together is dead.

 

In order to probe what the political agenda of the new youths is, theoretical is to ask what is the relationship between the state and this new group at one level and at another level the state and this kind of anti-institutional form of resistance.

 

Unlike in Latin American and Asian cities where this new group is allowed to form unemployment movement and state institutions formed to control and regulate them respectively. In African cities they pre left to compete in the market system. Each one of them is to see anything practicable to join in order to survive. They are such that there is no one to speak on their behalf, and not even having any idea about their collective interest.

In view of this, there is no any written document to assess their short and long-term plan for Nigeria. And what counter plan do they harbour in case they are attacked by the state after the crisis calms down. Therefore, analysis of their dilemma is only by their action.

 

Roadblocks and street fighting everywhere in Kano, Zaria, Kaduna, Bauchi, Gombe and many other towns and cities. With slogans "no PDP", "sai Maigaskiya". Any one who said no to these slogans is sent to death within a blink of an eye. Then there was invasion and occupation of all known PDP associates and sympathizer's houses.

 

What does this tell about the political and economic agenda of these youths? Whether this new social group i.e. the new urban youth know or not, on that day of the protest i.e. April 18^th, 2011, there was a contest of state power in most Northern states. In these contested areas, Zaria for example, there were burning of PDP offices, prisons, the houses of PDP chiefs etc. Here and the other contested cities there were war as the state came with full force of its police and the Armed forces to dislodge the rebels in all the contested areas. A curfew had to be placed which pulled out all other people to withdraw to their homes which exposed the new youth to more dangers and insecurity which made them too to withdraw quietly. With a weakened state in areas of the conflict, in the same day of the riots, the president and abnormally his vice-president received their certificates of victory in the elections from INEC, which all other parties refused to sign, as if they fear the elections may be cancelled. And this is followed by announcement in a speech to the nation by the president that a Judicial Commission of Inquiry would be appointed by Federal Government to investigate the protest. Unfortunately before the Judicial Commission is sworn-in, a caption on NTA news said "Federal Government blamed CPC for riots in the North".

 

A counter-power came out but was immediately disorganized. It is not surprising as the forces themselves are not clear, are confused or are they in dilemma? Because they were shouting "Sai Maigaskiya" – sending slogans against looting but many stories tell how they broke into houses of PDP chieftains and gone with money and other properties.

 

With a deeper reflection of what happened one may tend to pose an idea on what foresight for democracy and healthy political opposition in Nigeria? The following are the building blocks:

1. A law could be provided nationally and at state levels to allow the neo-liberal youths to form an unemployment movement and allowed to bargain for improvement of their welfare.
   
2. A new work system under the current globalization has changed the dynamics of labour and the process of labour formation. The Nigeria's Labour Movement should take this into recognition so that it can create a framework of alliance with unemployed movement and struggle to unionized groups such as "yan Achaba", "okada" etc.
   
3. A state institution may be created to regulate the unemployed by among other things providing them with welfare services, business education, guarantorship for credit facilities from financial institutions, etc.
   
4. To involve them in Government policies pertaining to fair income distribution.
   
5. Generally give them political education training about nation-building. Let them become vanguards of nation-building.
   

 

M.M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

21/04/2011

 

This paper has to be acknowledged whenever is used for purpose of scholarship