M. M. YUSIF

Community Democracy for Local and National Development

2011-07-14T04:12:00.000-07:00

“Taking democracy seriously” is a title of a contribution made by a writer in a book he edited on democracy. The growth of democracy over the past ten years in Nigeria has created opportunities and challenges for development of local communities in Northern Nigeria and Nationally. But there are many blockages to allow democracy to thrive and give rise to openings for development.

The younger generation are particularly concerned with these obstacles. A youth organization of a coalition of many groups are determined to face this challenge. The following could help them to expand and put together many communities for democracy and development:
1. Establish independent community organization of students, women, unemployed youth, various occupational groups, etc.
2. These would with common agenda constitute communities of democracy and development in their local areas.
3. These together, networking in many ways are to become promoters and bulwark of democracy and development in the larger society.
4. They are to be exposed to values of democracy by putting them through collective efforts to deal with local problems.
5. To educate them to adhere to team and group work to make it easier for development of leadership.
6. To articulate demands of each group through conference and workshops and educate them on how to pursue the demands through local authorities and beyond.
7. To make them establish relationship with other groups in the communities to build support in case there will be a need for united action.
8. In order to empower them economically, students for example are to demand for scholarship from local authorities, unemployed youth to be recognized as an organization which has the right to speak on behalf of its members, various occupational groups for support of guarantorship and credit facilities from the local authorities.
9. To promote education in general and civic education and literacy in particular among the people.
10. Facilitate citizen access to information.
11. Give the people the right to demonstrate without molestation by the police.
12. Expose them to ideas of democratic principles, development as well as of human rights.
13. Strengthen their awareness and capacity to fight corruption and patronage.
14. To be shown that public service is not for few but that every person has equal access to public resources, and to take part in the conduct of public affairs.
15. People are to be educated on both the National and the international codes that every person has the right to enjoy equal protection before the law, without any discrimination based on religious, nation or social origin, property or other status.
16. For a fair-leveled play ground all rights including of religious belief, personal opinion, etc. which are essential to full and effective participation in a democratic society, be enforced by independent and impartial judiciary, open to the public.
17. That elected leaders uphold the law and function strictly in accordance with the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and Procedures established by law.
18. Accordingly to ensure that Government refrains from any extra-constitutional actions, in its dealing with people.
19. To ensure respect of ownership of land and when is needed for any public purpose to pay compensation immediately before use.
20. In order to prevent threat against these principles and generally democracy and efforts for development all organizations and individual members or leadership of these must show accountability, transparency and avoid godfatherising.
These and others not mentioned will set multiple processes for democracy and development in local communities which may in turn create potentialities for longer democratic society.

However, these may create unwelcome responses, therefore there will be need of patience and courage to continue

M. M. Yusif
04/07/2011

Labour and Industrial Relations

2011-07-04T05:15:00.001-07:00

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano

MPA 8208: 2010/2011

Labour and Industrial Relations

First Semester

M.M. Yusif

Friday 3:00 – 6:00 pm

M. Block – Old Campus

Introduction

This is a course on labour and industrial relations which is part of a programme – Masters in Policy and Public Administration – of the department of Political Science during 2010/2011 Academic year. It is designed to introduce students to a higher level of theoretical discourse on the nature of the changing context of industrial relations, from the traditional system through the period of breakdown of the old system to a transition to a new industrial Relation in Nigeria.

Overview of the Course

Labour and Industrial Relations studies in Nigeria's Higher Institutions of learning is limited by lack of serious and deep theoretical reflections of industrial relations as "capital-labour" relations. One can observe without fear that all the earlier studies and many of the recent studies have abstracted industrial relations from the conflict and contradictions which move modern capitalist society – in Nigeria.

Therefore, many of the existing literature hardly put in the schema of analysis the valorization of capital and the structural contradictions which inform the transformation of industrial relations. These studies neither bring into consideration global or external influence on internal logic of changes in the economy in general and of industrial relations in particular.

Thus, it is not surprising that now there is emerging body of ideas, from advance capitalist countries, that neo-liberal globalization has brought the "end of industrial relations".

The turning point in this course, during this academic year is that industrial relations is management of capital and labour relations, both in work places and in the larger society in Nigeria, an example of modern peripheral capitalist society.

Is industrial relations to stabilize the capitalist system or to promote class conflict and struggle? The regulation theory and Marxist theoretical approaches will provide us with the principles to give the direction too explain this problematic.

The regulation theory became a popular theoretical approache in Social Sciences, especially in Economics, Sociology, geography and Political Economy "to explain the paradox in capitalist development between the inherent tendency towards instability and crisis, and its ability to stabilize for periods around a set of institutions, norms and rules that secure periods of economic stability". The regulation approach pattern of analysis of changes and transformation of capitalist system is according to Lipietz (one of the Originators of regulation theory) is a combination of (i) regimes of accumulation and (ii) modes of regulation. Thus, in the study of industrial relations political economy is applied to understand the trend of changes and transformation.

In this context the transformation of industrial relations could be seen in the transformation of regime of accumulation. The recent history of the development of capitalism, shows from a global characterization, Fordist and post-fordist regimes of accumulation. The Fordist regime is characterized by mass production and mass consumption, the rise of strong working-class movement capable of extracting much from capital and so also the consolidation of welfare state. There was a crisis of the Fordist regime of accumulation when generally real wages continue to increase, while the rate of profit continues to fall. The power of workers has reached a climax. The response to this crisis of accumulation called for restructuring, and so came another regime of accumulation called post-Fordist. This new regime is characterized by greater flexibility of work practices, mean production, reduced role in society for Trade Union, etc.

That is the history of development of capitalism and capital-labour relations in centre countries. But the trend is replicated in peripheral countries. So, there is peripheral Fordism and Peripheral post-Fordist. This applies to Nigeria.

The Marxian approach on the other hand asserts that industrial relations is an expression of class conflict and struggle between workers, owners of capital and the state.

In Nigeria, the Fordist industrial relations corresponded to the period from post-world war II up to early 1980s characterized by liberal and corporatist strategies to accommodate the interests of workers and their leaders. From there, with global economic crisis which affected Nigeria, the Fordist capital-labour harmony began to breakdown and set for transition to a new mode of regulation. The transition period was long and characterized by non-payment of salaries; dissolution of the central labour organization i.e. the NLC; arrest, detention and harassment of labour leaders. The transition to post-Fordist capital-labour relations did not become a reality, still a mixed reality until with enactment of 2005 Labour Amendment Law.

Format of the Class

Responsible of the course is M.M. Yusif who will give lectures on the topics outlined on the programme. The lecture period will be divided into two parts. The first is to give a brief talk which will highlight some major issues covered in the literature on the topic. The second part will be for discussion on relevant texts chosen for review.

Requirements of the Course and Evaluation of Students

Regular attendance is a necessary requirement. But I prefer attendance in which we come and start together and finish together. Yes! If you are ready to learn come to the class before lecture begins and go after the class. Secondly, on writing a paper as requirement of the course, it must be based on library research, analytical, showing relationship between theory and data. Plagiarism will not be tolerated. Any one found on plagiarism will be awarded zero in his continuous Assessment. Thirdly participation in discussions in class is a guarantee for enhanced learning.

Finally, assessment of students will be based on 20% on the quality of term paper which each one will write. Then 10% for review of a relevant text, while 10% for attendance. The 60% left is for end of semester examination.

Topics of the Course (in chronological Order per Week)

General Introduction: A critique of studies on labour and industrial relations in Nigeria; An Overview of the Course; Requirements of the course; evaluation of students:

Reading

Henry Ejembi (1996). A survey of Labour studies in Nigeria

Basic Concepts and terminologies
Revisit: Labour; capital; industrial relations; Neo-liberal Globalization; Fordism; Post-Fordism

Readings

Rechard Hyman, Industrial Relations: A Marxist Introduction. Chapters 1 and 7
Dafe Otobo, Industrial Relations: Theory and Controversies. Chapter 2
Ronaldo Munck. Globalisation and Labour: The New Great Transformation. Chapter 3
Bruce E. Kaufman. The end of industrial relations.

Capital and Industrial Relations

Readings

Karl Marx, "Capital and Labour". In K. Marx and K. Engels. Selected works Vol. I
……........, "wage labour and capital" selected works Vol. I
Karl Marx, "from manufacture to modern industry". From capital Vol. I reproduced in Andre Gorz (ed.). The division of labour. The labour process and class struggle in modern capitalist society.
Michael Burawoy. "The contours of production politics". In Charles Bergquist (ed). Labour in the capitalist World Economy
Harry Braverman. Labour and Monopoly Capital: the degradation of work in the 20^th century.
Andre Gorz. "The Tyranny of the factory: today and tomorrow". In Andre Gorz (ed.) op-cit

Theoretical Approaches

Readings

Reiner D. and Jurgen O. Regulation Theory
Michel Aglietta, Capitalism at the turn of the century; Regulation theory and the challenge of social change
B. Kozlova, "Institutionalism. In Mileikousky et al. Present-Day Non Marxist Political Economy: A critical Analysis.
Richard Hyman, Industrial relations: A Marxist Introduction.

Capitalism, State and Industrial Relations

Reading

Dominic Strinati. "Capitalism, the State and Industrial Relation". In Colin Crouch (ed) State and Economy in Contemporary Capitalism
Dafe Otabo, op cit. Chapter 7
L.M. SachiKonye, "The State and the Union Movement in Zimbabwe: Cooptation, Conflict and Accomodation. In B. Beckman and L.M. Sachikonye (eds.). Labour Regimes and Liberalisation: The Restructuring of State – Society Relations in Africa.
Yahaya Hashim, "Cooptation, Control and Resistance: The State and the Nigeria Labour Congress". In B. Beckman and L.M. Schikonye (eds.) op cit

Civil Society, Trade Union and Industrial Relations

Readings

Gibbon P. "Some Reflections on Civil Society and Political Change". In L. Rudebeck and O. Tornquist (eds.). Democratization in the Third World
Beckman B. "Whose Civil Society? Trade Unions and Capacity Building in the Nigerian Textile Industry". In Beckman and Sachikonye (eds.). op. cit
Isme Akca. "Globalisation, State and Labour: Towards a Social Movement Unionism".
Webster. E. and Buhlungu. S. "Between Marginalisation and Revitalisation: the State and Trade Unions in South Africa". ROAPE No. 100 (2004)
Webster. E. and Adler. G., "Exodus without a Map? The Labour Movement in a Liberalising South Africa. In Beckman and Sachikonye (eds.) op. cit.

Democracy and Industrial Relations

Tom Elarke. "Industrial Democracy: The Institutional Suppression of Industrial Conflict? In Tom Clarke and Laurie Clements (eds.). Trade Unions Under Capitalism.
Dafe Otobo. Industrial Relations: Theory and Controversy. Chapter 5
Franco Berchies. "The Social Construction of Labour in the Struggle for Democracy: The Case of Post-Independence Nigeria. ROAPE Vol. 23 No. 69 (1986).
Funmi Adewumi (eds.). Trade Unionism in Nigeria: Challenges of the 21^st Century Chapter 7

Nigeria: Peripheral Fordism and Industrial Relations

Peter Waterman, "labour Relations in Nigeria Port Authority". Mimeo
Robin Cohen, labour and Politics in Nigeria 1945 – 71
Roger Southhall, Trade Unions and the new Industrialisation of the Third World. Chapters 3 and 5.
Yusuf Bangura, Nationalism, Accumul;atiion and Labour Subordination: 1970 – 1978.

Nigeria: Crisis of Peripheral Fordism and Industrial Relation

Readings

M.M. Yusif. "Class Conflict and Confrontation in Nigeria: 1979 – 1983". Conference Paper
Olajide Olayedi, Coping Under Recession: Workers in a Nigerian Factory. Chapters 1, 5, and 7
Gunilla A. and Beckman B. Union Power in the Nigeran Textile Industry: Labour Regime and Adjustment. Conference Paper
…………., Labour and Industrial Crisis in the Third World: The Case of Nigerian Textiles and Cotton
Yusuf Bangura, The Recession and Workers Struggles in the Vehicle Assambly Plants: A Case Study of Steyr – Nigeria
………….., Crisis Management and Union Struggles in Niger State – Nigeria
………….., Crisis and Adjustment: the Experience of Nigerian Workers.
……………, industrial Crisis and the Struggle for National democracy: Lessons from Kaduna Textiles Ltd. And the Workers demonstration of January 1984.
Yusuf Bangura and Bjoin Beckman, African Workers and SAP with a Nigerian Case Study.
Beckman B. The Politics of Labour and Adjustment. The Experience of the Nigerian Labour Congress.
Beckman B. and Gurilla A. Workers Power and the Crisis of the Nigerian textile Industry.

Nigeria: Peripheral Post-Fordism and Industrial Relations
Readings
1. Fremabo O. O. "Trade Union Policy in an Economic Recession". In Acamic Digest 1990
2. Adesina J. "Towards the Reconstruction of industrial Relations Theory". In Dafe Otobo (ed.). Further Readings in Nigerian Industrial Relations.
3. Damachi U. G. "Creating industrial Peace in Nigeria". In Damachi U. G. and Fashoyin T. (eds.). Contemporary Problems in Nigerian Industrial Relations
4. Isaac N. O. State – Labour Relation Under SAP in Nigeria
5. Beckman B. "Trade Unions and institutional Reform: Nigerian Experiences with South African and Uganda Comprarisons
6. ………., "The Politics of Reform: Responses of African Trade Unions with a South African Case.
7. ………, "Collective bargaining and Political Reform: textile Union Strategy in the face of Crisis and Adjustment".
8. …….., "African Trade Unions and the Politics of Reform".
9. Gunilla A. and Beckman B. "Bargaining for Survival: Unionized Workers in the Nigerian Textile Industry".
10. M.M. Yusif. "Industrial Relations and Collective Bargaining Strategies: New trend in Industrial Relations.
11. Imosili I. C. "The Impact of Economic Recession on Bargaining in the Food, Beverages and Tobacco Industries". In Dafe Otobo and Manikinyo Omole (eds.). Readings in Industrial Relations in Nigeria.
12. Tayo Fashoyin, "Collective Bargaining Challenges During Economic Recession". In Damachi and Fashoyin (eds.). op. cit.
13. …….., "Deregulation and Decentralization of Collective Bargaining: Problems and Prospects". Conference paper.
14. Eskor Toyo, "deregulation of Collective Bargaining and the Settlement of Industrial Disputes". Conference paper.
15. Alkali R. A. "Labour Problems and Wages Differences". Jounal of ECPER Vol. No.
16. Thomas I. P. "Labour Perspective on Globalization" IPS No. 2 (2009).
17. Waddington J. (ed.). "Situating Labour Within the Globalization Debate". In Waddington J. (ed.). Globalization Patterns of Labour Resistance.
18. Lindsstrom L. "Post-Fordism and the Restructuring of the State – Trade Union Relationship in East and South-East Asia". In Gavin Williams (ed.) Democracy, Labour and Politics in Africa and Asia.

Theoretical Conclusion: Comparison of Regulation Theory with Marxist Approach

2011-05-05T06:38:00.003-07:00

WTO Mock Summit

Department of Political Science

Beyero University, Kano – Nigeria

Briefing Paper No.4

Politics of Globalization: WTO and International Trade in Services

M.M. Yusif – Director of the Mock Summit

March, 2011

Politics of Globalization: WTO and International Trade In Services

Introduction

Politics is an expression of struggle to get an upper hand in reaching a common goal or at best to say between different interests. This is as between individuals and groups at local level as is between states and other global interests at international arena.

Politics of globalization becomes a tendency among Third World analysts that every social, economic and political problem of developing countries is a product or reflection of the process of globalization. Indeed, there are several theoretical and empirical shortcomings on this approach.

From empirical point of view neo-liberal globalization has opened an avenue for the emergence of alternative resources which provides developing countries with opportunities to tackle social, economic and political problems. These resources which could be reached around made some developing country regimes to build the political will to capture and utilize these opportunities and benefit immensely from the new world market created by neo-liberal globalization.

Thus, globalization – development nexus which raises debate on globalization role in bringing development does not see these changes impeding efforts to bring about fundamental systemic positive change both at the world-scale and within Third World countries.

Nevertheless the discourse rages between pro-globalists who insist that globalization does not put any obstacle for development and anti-globalists who think otherwise. In any case, there are globalization skeptics who argued that there are good and bad sides of globalization for development of human society. (Held, 1999).

Theories on this relationship have not ended there. There are many others of a globalist theorizing such as neo-classical and Ricardian economic theory, class conflict approach to the world economy, various versions of dependency, development and underdevelopment, regulation and transformation of capitalist relations at national level, etc.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) which is the core of this discussion. Perhaps, because the WTO governs the world market and is the organization which sets rules and regulations for movement of goods and services, the complex global power relations is openly and clearly seen working there.

WTO and the Politics of Globalization

There are diverse interests and network of interests each trying to by-pass the other within the structure of operations in the WTO. That was later development. From the beginning quads i.e. U.S.A., E. U., Canada and Japan enjoyed some years of dominance. Other members were only "screaming". They did not know what to do. The "seattle" opened their "eyes" and they began to put diverse interests into groups, Alliances and Coalitions. All within the structure of the governance of the WTO.

Now, this organization has become ungovernable. It remains all of it now is full of opposition, negativity, and struggle. The recent financial crisis which is deliberately triggered to bring harmony among the bigger global interests and to impose their solution on others, did not work.

Consultations are still going on, but of the type which has produced the World Trade Organization from the womb of General Agreement on Tariff and Trade. The outcome may be either to allow WTO to die like "dracula" or to give it a reform. What kind of reform? The kind which brought GATT from ITO or as said above WTO from GATT?

Whatever is going to happen the question is what would be the fate of the Agreements and other Rules which have governed the functions of WTO.

GATS

Yes! Many Agreements and Rules. The General Agreement on Trade in services (GATS) is one of them. Trade in service was first covered by international trade agreements during the Uruguay Round, but the history of such discussions and negotiations dates to the late 1970s. At that time the US based communications multinational corporations wanted to expand GATT rules to facilitate the expansion of the global operations of communication transnational corporations within a predictable and universal legal framework.

Mick Brooks (2001) noted that "before going into negotiations about the on-going GATS liberalization, Charlene Bersheosky (head of the US delegation) asked the coalition of service industries, a big business forum what they wanted. They gave her a shopping list – health care, hospital care, home care, dental care, child care, elder care, education, museums, libraries, law, social assistance, architecture, energy, water resources, environmental protection, real estate, insurance, tourism, postal service, transport, publishing, broadcasting …".

What of others equally very important or even of more ramifications in globalization of the world such as basic telecommunication, financial services, movement of natural persons and services in investment?

No doubt, the logic of capitalist development today is to capture and control the lives and means of living of the people.

That is what GATS contains. The meaning of services as provided in the Agreement is not precise. The Agreement does not give exact description of what not services are. Sometimes trade in services is distinguished from trade in goods, by goods that are manufactured. Yet, there are still goods that are manufactured which could be covered by other agreements, but could also be covered by GATS. There is therefore no point in searching for a definitive meaning and categorization of services.

This is a conscious manipulation by legal and diplomatic framework which would create a wider space which at any moment something could be found to appease an unsatisfied party for example, from the beginning, developing country members of WTO refused definition of services which includes investment in services but then movement of natural persons came in to console them. The game worked well to protect the interest of monopolies, as while negotiation in investment in services is concluded successfully, negotiation on movement of natural persons still is not.

The growth of service sector in Europe, USA and Japan became an alternative to declining profitability, and the risk of social as well as health hazards of the manufacturing production system. A new capitalist form of production with higher growth rate at least from 1970s, must be internationalized in order to survive as a response to decline of capitalism.

The story of promoting trade and investment in service internationally goes to show how changes in the structure of industry in USA led to shift in US trade and foreign policy with a view to project the interest of the growing service sector in the economy of the United States of America. This gave rise to New Trade Act, 1980 and the undiplomatic and unilateral foreign policy strategy of USA to force developing countries to open their markets for the service industry.

This throws further light on the inclusion of trade in services under the Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations. At the end of the Round, there emerged general Agreement on Trade in services. Since, then Agreements have been reached on telecommunications and financial services, resulting in substantial liberalization commitments, but negotiations have to continue on other sectors.

There was also a gap left for future negotiations on how some WTO rules such as government procurement, emergency safeguard mechanism, subsidies and market access are to be applied on trade in services.

The Doha controversy did not spare trade in services. Therefore, negotiations are not concluded when another dimension as "trade for development" of developing countries is introduced into already existing problem. The Doha work progremme (2005) observed that "the negotiations on trade in services shall proceed to their conclusion with a view to promoting the economic growth of all trading partners and the development of developing and least developed countries, and with due for the right of members to regulate" (WTO, 2005).

The negotiations, it is restated should aimed to a higher level of liberalization of trade in services, but as the said Doha work programme noted "with appropriate flexibility for individual developing countries as provided for in Article xix of the GATS" (ibid.).

Furthermore, the programme emphasized that "negotiations shall have regard to the size of economics of individual members, both overall and in individual sectors" (ibid.).

The objective of the negotiations is that the economic circumstances of less developed countries, including the difficulties they face must be taken into consideration, and therefore, "not to be expected to undertake new commitment".

The conflict of interests between many different groups in global trade, over principle of trade for development, which now virtually made WTO as if it does not exist, does not spare trade and investment in services. But from Uruguay through concun, there were no new difficulties. Negotiations were smooth. As Hong Kong comes closer the situation changed. The chair of the WTO Services Trade Negotiations Committee, Alejandro Jara, concluded in July 2005 that "Notwithstanding the fact that the number of offers has improved…. Most members feel that the negotiations are not progressing as they should. It is clear that much more work will be necessary in order to bring the quality of the package to a level that would allow for a deal".

Recent assessment on where do things stand is generally the same as in other agreements under WTO regime. Negotiations based on request-and-offer process have not proved to be fruitful. May be a complementary negotiating methods could have been more useful. Yet, there is the need to secure wider sectoral coverage and certain degree of openness and transparency.

The greater challenge in negotiation is to complete the negotiations within the WTO framework of rules – safeguards, government procurement, subsidies, market access, and domestic regulation – to conclude and seal General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS).

References

Aaditya Mattoo (2006). "Services in a Devlopment Round: Proposals for Overcoming Inertia". In Richard Newformer (ed.). Trade, Doha and Devlopment: A Window into the Issues. The World Bank Trade Department. Washington D.C.

Held D., McGrew, A.G., Gold blatt, D. and Perration, J. (1999). Global Transformation: Politics, Economics and Culture. Cambridge: Polity.

Harry G.B. (1994) "GATS: The Uruguay Round Accord on International Trade and Investment in Services". The World Economy vol. 17 No. 3

Peoples Health Movement (2006). The General Agreement on Trade in Services: Globalization and the Impact on Health – A Third World View. Website.

UNDP (2008), Making Global Trade work for People. New York: Earthscan Publication

WTO (1993). The Legal Texts.

WTO (2005). Doha Work Programme. Draft Ministerial Declaration. Ministerial conference, Hong Kong.

WTO (2006). The General Agreement on Trade in Services. WTO website.

WTO (2006). A Handbook on the GATS Agreement: Coambridge: University Press.

WTO News (N. D.) The General Agreement on Trade in Services )GATS): Objectives, Coverage and Disciplines. WTO Website.

Appendix I

WTO – Mock Summit Group

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

Programme of Mini Ministerial Conference August, 2011

Politics of globalization

WTO and international trade in services – negotiation continuous

Introduction

WTO mock summit has become a major event in Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria campus which hundreds of people around the campuses, the Kano Community and from across Nigeria, are waiting of the date to come.

In December, 2010 we held the sixth round – a Mini – Ministerial conference called "Geneva 2010". We are not unaware of the stalemate which arrested the normal functions of the WTO. Since Qatar Ministerial Summit which came up with Doha Development Agenda, the Great global trade Organization i.e. the WTO is set moving at a snail motion. From Cancun in 2003 through Hong Kong in 2005, the disagreements and conflicts over trade issues became sharper.

From the period after Hong Kong to 2007 there were many Consultative meetings of various group interests in the organization to break the deadlock to continue with management of international trade to serve the development benefits of all members.

The 2008 financial crisis introduced another dimension to the problem as liberalization of financial services could be seen as cause of the global financial meltdown. Consultation continues to find away forward but the last known mini-ministerial consultative forum was in Delhi 2009.

In general, consultations and negotiations are going, what will be the outcome is not yet clear. The WTO-Mock Summit Group is following and noting the performance of the real WTO. In the Group, there is global trade monitor unit, also trade research group. There is also WTO News Monitor and we receive mails directly from the secretariat of the WTO.

Therefore, we make informal intervention in the work of the WTO. For example, in 2009 we examined Agreement on Agriculture and the question of food security, and then recommend for immediate review of the Agreement, which we sent to the Director-General of WTO through the website of the WTO-Mock Summit. In 2010 it was a brainstorm on Doha Round, the global financial crisis and the implication for multilateral trading system. The objective is to break the deadlock over Doha Agenda to pave the way for a fresh trade talk under WTO regime.

The 2010 Mock Conference imagined three Scenarious:

That there is going to be an understanding by resolving the major problems which will lead to agreement to call a full Ministerial delegate trade talk.
That the consultation itself will breakdown as delegates could not find a meeting point to map a new path for WTO.
That all delegates may agree that there is progress but consultation and negotiations are to continue to concretize creating a road forward.

The end of 2010 WTO-Mock Mini-Minesterial summit is a substantial progress in some areas but consultation and negotiations continue in others. The general Agreement on Trade in Services is a potent instrument of globalization and economic integration with numerous unresolved offers and questions to be clarified and yet has not appeared to members and the general public as controversial.

The importance of GATS to globalization and to multilateral trade is that it is it that presents many elements of analysis and understanding of globalization beyond marketisation and expansion of trade, but neo-liberal globalization as new relations of production of a post-modern capitalism.

Furthermore, the recent global financial crisis could be traced to liberalization of movement of money under the WTO Agreement on Financial services which is an Annex to GATS.

Even with recovery, there are different layers of conflict and struggle including on trade and investment in services. This year we are going to reflect deeply on issues pertaining to international trade in services.

The theme of the mock summit is "The politics of globalization: WTO and international trade in services – Negotiation continues.

Accordingly, it is going to be a Mini-Ministerial Mock Summit to hold in Mock Geneva Organised by the General Council of the WTO.

After Uruguay Round of Negotiations which delivered GATS, the first negotiation to define general terms of the Agreement was in January, 2000. Negotiations with understanding, resulted in progressive liberalization, especially of financial and telecommunication services. From there to 2003 it was normal. But by 2005 Ministerial conference and since then GATS become infested by Doha demands.

See attached Annex IB of the World Trade Organization Agreements which is "General Agreement on Trade in Services". You would see that the Agreement has six parts with further six Annexes which are integral part of the Agreement.

Major highlights are progressive liberalisation of services; trade in service as economic integration; labour markets integration under GATS provisions; harmonization of WTO principles i.e. market access; subsidies; transparency; government; procurement; safeguard measures; under GATS administration; domestic regulation to meet national interest; general exceptions including security exceptions; national treatment etc.

The outlook of the provisions of the Agreement would reveal many development implications when implemented:

Market access measures would have implications for member governments ability to pursue development strategy.
The principle of National Treatment enshirined in the Agreement which said foreign companies are to be treated like national companies in giving any favour is a very serious development challenge to developing countries.
The growth of service industry is stronger and more consolidated in developed countries than in developing ones. Therefore, there is obvious imbalance which if is treated the same in both countries will be at disadvantage of countires from the developing world.
Developing countries have not yet committed themselves to total commercialization of public services, such as health and education, services that governments have traditionally provided or heavily subsidized. Yet they face pressures relating to the deregulation of these services. These can be seen at three main sources of concern.
1. Whereas GATS rules do not apply to services provided in the exercise of Government authority. But the criterion of government authority does not necessarily prevent the agreement from intruding into the basic services critical to the poor, because the agreement does not clearly define the key terms if not commercial or if not in competition with:
2. GATS do not force governments to privatise, but it facilitates, the commercialization of basic public services either through structural adjustment programmes or by any other pressures.
3. Article vi:4 on domestic regulation is aimed at ensuring quality of public services. In order to achieve quality governments may be forced to deregulate.
As history has shown, liberalization of financial services such as banking and insurance is likely to cause instability in already weak economies. But under GATS there is already a provision for liberalization of financial sectors which may be inconsistent with developing countries interests and effort for development. And then government regulatory interventions will likely be inconsistent with the GATS.
A country with deregulation of financial markets may be unable to protect its own banking industry, which would ultimately undermine the creation of financial institutions for longer-term credit support to firms generating new technologies or employment, as well as the development of new financial instruments for small and medium- size enterprises.
The GATS does not cover labour migration, but skilled and unskilled labour to get market for their services. From developed countries side there are significant barriers against movement from developing world to industrialized countries. Yet! There is lack of commercially meaningful commitment by industrial countries on the movements of natural persons which became a source of imbalance in services trade.

Finally, unlike other agreements under WTO regime, what is needed about GATS is not repealing its provisions but to operationalise the development-friendly aspects of it. This means that the developing countries could negotiate the modalities of effective implementation at the sector level, for example at construction services sector; on the movement of natural persons sector the energy sector; the environment sector; financial services sector; transport sector; telecommunication sector; others are about investment, education, water, health, services.

Proposed Countries to be Represented

United State of America

European Union

Japan

Canada

China

India

Brazil

South Africa

Argentina

Peru

Cuba

Malaysia

Nigeria

Venezuela

Ghana

Proposed Mock Ministers

Audu Saidu
Samirah Baban Mairam
Mohammed Mahmoud Hassan
Zainab Mayaki
Sagir Mustapha
abdulmuhsin Ahmad Nuhu
Hajara Abdulkadir
Haruna Atama
Ibrahim Ismail
Kabiru Basiru
Five others later
Also two observers later
Junior O.
Najibullahi Abdullah Nuhu

Others

Mohammed Umar Usman
Abdulhamid Abbas Rabiu
Mukhtar Mohammed (Computer Science)
Junaidu Abdulkadir (Sociology)

The Working Groups

Maryam Sunusi Sani
Abdulganiyu Rufai Yakubu
Mansur Abdullahi
Mohammed Salisu Ismail
Aminu Bello
Aremu Adamu Alhassan
Adamu Adamu Alhassan
Muhammad Naziru Halliru
Rilwan Abdussalam
Umar A. Alkali
Kingsley O.

Topics of the Working Groups Respectively of the Names Above

GATS: An assessment
GATS: implications for development of developing countries
The Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations; The case of Agreement on Services
WTO, GATS and the impact on Health services in Third World Countries
WTO, GATS and the impact on Education in Third World Countries
Financial services, liberalization and globalization: social and Economic Consequences.
Growth of Global Trade: Services Perspective
GATS and integration of labour market: Myth reality?
GATS: An instrument for faster globalization
GATS and multilateralisation of trade
GATS, investment services and development of developing countries
GATS and challenges in National Policy

Media Coverage

A common message which I send to every annual media team of WTO-Mock Summit is that "…the beauty and excitement of the summit and ability to carry the audience depend on what the media actors have creatively organized to project the performance".

Since we have started in 2005 one of the creative elements we have displayed to general public within the campus is that the media crew with many members, each playing a role, reports the performance alive.

Educationists say experience is a store of knowledge and in the mock-Summit we have collection of it which makes us to raise the summit to higher standard every annual performance.

From 2008 the organization and reporting by the media crew became professional. In 2009 it was given international standard and was televised alive on the campus through the existing facilities of the Department of Mass Communication. The last one i.e. 2010 WTO-Mock Summit saw another path breaking improvement both in a professional organization of reporting and in using of new facilities. The 2010 media team has beautiful ideas which would cause to televise the performance alive beyond BUK campus and produce the play for sale. I have no doubt that 2011 would move these to reality.

As in 2010 performance, in this year we will also open up for voluntary services and advice from media practitioners around Kano and beyond. We would particularly continue to appreciate and welcome Sadiq Tamimuddari – ex-member of the Mock Summit in the media crew who returns every year to give helping ideas – and Garzali Yakubu, from Freedom Radio.

In 2011, we call for more innovations and improvement on the reporting from the media crew. Meanwhile, the most important preparatory things for media roles are:

To read all the necessary papers prepared for the performance
To understand the issues, subject-matter and the message intended to put across
To know the actors identities and mock names for the purpose of accurate reporting
To be able to add "media jokes" to the performance to be impressed by any one who sees it.
To introduce modern information technology facilities and if possible to televise it alive to be monitored outside the campus.
To organize media chats with participants either before the mock summit commences or after or both
To encourage various student associations to cover the occasion and report in their newsletters and magazines.
Finally, to invite national media houses to cover the occasion

Members of Media Crew

Habu Abubakar
Abubakar Idris
Hassan Abdussalam
Basirat Abdulwahab
Others to join

Members of the Organizing Committee 2010/2011

S/N	Name	Dept.	Position	Phone No.
1.	Maryam S. Sani	Pol. Sc.
2.	Abdulganiyu R. Y.	Agric. Sc
3.	Mohd S. Ismail	Pol. Sc.
4.	Mansur Abdullahi	"
5.	Aminu Bello	"
6.	Aremu Lateef	"
7.	Alhassan Adamu A.	"
8.	Rilwan Abdussalam	"
9.	Mohd Naziru H.	"
10.	Umar A. Alkali	"
11.	Salisu Ado Bayero	"
12.	Farida Kombo	"
13.	Haruna Atama	"
14.	Rep. Media Crew
15.	Rep. Security Team
16.	Rep. HR Activities

Terms of Reference

To mobilize funding for hosting a get together for mock summit actors who graduated in 2011
To raise fund for WTO-Mock Summit 2011
To take care of all other logistics and the administration of the summit 2011
To disseminate the mission of the summit in and out of Bayero University, Kano
Any other assignment that may arise.

Preparation for the Mock-Summit

Roles would be assigned within the first five weeks of the New Academic year.
The Organizing Committee would be inaugurated by the Director during the same period.
The participants would be guided to start an independent research work and preparation on the position papers they are going to present during the summit.
There are going to be series of working groups discussions and workshops on the subject-matter of the summit before the end of the first semester.
Also to pay a courtesy call to the vice-chancellor before the end of the semester.
As we open for the second semester each participant is expected to submit his/her paper for assessment, corrections and editorial work.
In the end all reports of commission chairmen, observers and trade delegates would be computer processed and bound for circulation during the summit.
Then some further discussions and training which all participants are expected to attend. Those who do not without convincing reason would be dropped there.
Finally, a period of one or two weeks, of re-thinking and preparing the logistics.

The summit will hold during the first half of the second semester.

2011-05-05T06:38:00.001-07:00

The Unexpected Revolution from above has Failed

The social division over April 2011 Nigerian General Elections became obvious. Although there is no organised structure to unseat the dominant ruling party at all levels of Government – Local, State and Federal, there is mass opinion to vote out at least the president at Federal level.

Perhaps, never in the political history of Nigeria have people ever come out with enthusiasm and defined political calculation to vote in the elections. Indeed, Nigerians have become sharply divided, especially between the two major contestants of the seat of the presidency.

One of them popularly called "Mai Gaskiya" is the candidate of Congress for Progressive Change. His common statements to the people during campaign is that he held public offices but was never found of stealing public funds. He always added that corruption is caused by indiscipline and so he is going to bring discipline and turn back all the injustices in socio-economic and political relations between the people.

The other who represents the Peoples Democratic Party, of the dominant Nigerian elites and the incumbent president, is seen as the carrier of poverty, corruption and mismanagement of government resources, as well as all other social evils among the poor Nigerians.

These two have built community of supporters which could be defined in class terms but used dangerous ethnic and religious mobilization to add more followers for their agenda – but towards the presidential election the religious was diminishing, showing it is struggle over social and state power. In one of the campaign slogans which entered my SMS line on April 15^th, 2011, it said "Don't be deceived. The contest is not between Christians and Muslims; its between people who looted and keep looting the treasury and honest men who want a better Nigeria (emphasis mine).

Now, the question to pose is where is the revolutionary aspirations could be found? From the presidential campaign of the popular alternative candidate it seems as if the blue print for making a revolution – against capitalism? - is first to start with good management of resources, then everything will follow. Yes! It is possible. Fidel Castro started the Cuban Revolution with organized program and movement against corruption but emerged to power after the institutions of the corrupt practices were destroyed and from there he carried the revolution. In the case of Nigerian Presidential candidate, he wanted to inherit and preside over these institutions to change them. Is this possible? It is not impossible within the framework outline below.

Or is it the Buhari Project Nigeria which is going to be the basis of the change? If examined critically, the Buhari Project Nigeria 2003 did not embrace any agenda against capitalism. But many eclectic policy proposals of state interventionism white at the same time not rejecting neo-liberalism; public control of the economy but not against private ownership; nationalization of some enterprises but not against foreign capital participation. Most fundamentally, there is no mention of democracy anywhere in the whole document. By 2007, however, Buhari's electoral platform in ANPP did not even carry the 2003 promised project for Nigeria.

Meanwhile, since now he contested on the platform of "the congress for progressive change"; he would most probably start with a more objective four point cardinal programme of the party which it said would be achieved during its first tenure in government.

Whichever of these, it is going to be an unexpected revolution. Whereas these may not seem effective as an alternative, but with wider democratic space, people could be made to make contribution of ideas to open discourse that would facilitate tremendous new possibilities for revolutionary change. Any way is this alternative candidate disposed to this kind of method?

The above observed, but this is not the time of analysis about the "revolution". Now, we may ask, in view of these, who would be the winner of the election is the question of power relations locally and globally.

The reality of politics in Nigeria or anywhere else is an expression of economic power. This economic power, especially in developing countries is not independent of global trajectory of economic interests. Subsequently, the present trend of globalization of capitalism, and the growing less importance of the national elements of capitalism, make the global power relations more paramount.

When some Nigerian News Papers (e.g. Vanguard, April 5^th) observed that "INEC does its job with US's help", is a point for theoretical reflection instead of to be thrown overboard as if is a piece of finished pie. In a country like Nigeria, of important strategic interest to varied global forces, in local change of leadership, both local and global interests would become mutually reinforcing on each other to find a convenient result of acceptable leadership to them.

Furthermore, the structure of modern capitalism today concentrates wealth in the hands of fewer elites, whom in the case of Nigeria, all are located within state institutions or enjoying the patronage of the state. The system is also chracterised by concentration of political power in the hands of those who control the economic resources.

By the same logic this ultimately operates against democracy because the rules and nature of the game may exclude the less powerful of the political elites or systematically weaken them.

This would give rise to fame, both new and old transnationally-oriented political elites and "midas" (the new riches whom you don't know how and where they made their wealth) whom in most cases have taken over control of the national resources and the state institutions.

These political elites who also combine as economic, military and big business elites are by simple arithmetical calculations more numerous in Peoples Democratic Party. They are Chief Executives of all Federal Government Ministries and Agencies; directors in big multinational corporations including the oil companies; big contractors etc. Of course some few of them are sympathetic of other political parties.

It is very clear to all Nigerians that the official and unofficial financial commitment of April elections is a history. The president himself – Jonathan Goodluck made a seemingly controversial statement after voting in his village when he said "Nigeria cannot afford a re-run election because it is going to be too expensive for the country to handle". What of the unofficial expenses and the various contributions by foreign organizations and agencies. All these put together can develop Nigeria in one year to become like Brazil, India, South Africa or even China. Is that not so?

Ordinarily, in the context of this complex relationships who would have won the presidential election. I think it is predictable.

However, political relationships could be reversed. In the context of the history and configuration of forces there is need of;

A patient political work to build a counter hegemony against the existing dominant political class
To accomplish No. 1 above to a desired goal there is need of erecting an alliance of political elites with a clearly new agenda for development of Nigeria.
To agree on an active political party with a national vision, without any religious and or regional identity.
The program of the alliance is to be carefully thought out with a strategy of confronting neo-liberal capitalism.
A media mouth piece of the party with dedicated ideologues to educate the people on principles and the issues concerned rather than on religious, regional or personal characteristics of the political elites.
Again, for a guaranteed and sustainable progressive change there is need to go beyond "Gaskiya" strategy. This question of to search and or only to approve "Mai Gaskiya" as candidates of CPC at various levels in the April elections resulted in confusion and corruption.
Without conscious mobilization of the people, the CPC candidate's popularity rose rapidly in the North of Nigeria. This shows that the people are ready for change, and so to sustain that, there is need of a clearly defined political program to mobilize them.

M.M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano – 18-04-11

2011-05-05T06:37:00.007-07:00

The Dilemma of Neo-Liberal Youths in Nigeria: The Post April 16^th Violence

Neo-liberal economic policies in Nigeria brought profound transformation which produced significant changes in social and labour conflict and protest. One of the novelties in the resistance against SAP was that in both 1986, 1989 and 1991 SAP riots by coalition of Nigerian students, academic staff of Nigerian Universities and labour movement, was a support and solidarity of the new urban youths, small traders and in the case of the 1989 riots, in some big cities by primary and secondary schools pupils, police and even by ethnic and community vanguards.

After the third phase of the anti-SAP riots in 1991 when the neo-liberal system became consolidated, a new trend of the changes was set in with more dangerous consequences on the new urban youths. Devaluation of the currency, removal of petroleum subsidies by increasing pump prices of petroleum and other related products, increasing collapse of industries, etc. produced inflation thereby increasing poverty and unemployment.

In the same way neo-liberal economy has led to decline of modern economic activities as well as of traditional economy hence graduates of tertiary institutions cannot be absorbed, small-owners of capital have lost it, majority of primary and secondary schools leavers cannot proceed, etc. These combined to produce large contingents of reserve army of workers to facilitate the profitability of capital. Yes! This is a great benefit to the capitalist system as the dominant forms of employment today are by contract, casual or as temporary employment.

Furthermore, neo-liberal globalization may also be associated with increased inequality and volatility, which may be seen in skewed income distribution. In Nigeria, where we see it nakedly, very few, the kind Anthony Sampson called the "Midas", who owned the wealth of Nigeria. For Anthony Sampson these are the modern or the post-modern? riches but we do not know how they got their riches. Although in Nigeria it is simple to know as if they are not within the state machinery, they must be on the patronage of the state.

Their wealth is shown with the extravagance clearly bringing out the inequality which antagonizes the urban neo-liberal youths. Political liberalization to soften the social difficulties created by the market system has opened the eyes of the youths for a productive employment (sic!) in the economy. They are used by the political class to show violence against political opponents. Unfortunately there is no regular guaranteed wages paid. Payment comes only in kind in form of money to buy intoxicants to sustain the perpetration of violence. Thus, in the political industry in Nigeria, neo-liberal capitalism has reversed the logic of the development of capitalism by producing independent workers surviving on wages.

This trend of mobilization and participation of the neo-liberal youths to work in the political market has exposed them to contradictions in Nigeria's society. They see and unload lorries full of all sort of foreign currencies and the Naira into politicians houses. They also deliver bags, full with Naira notes to clergymen and sheikhs, and yet the social relations must be preserved, so that they got money only to buy intoxicants.

The violence which erupted after announcement of the result of the presidential election held on April 16^th; is a serious critique of political representation in Nigeria. Instead of to be seen merely as misguided violence, we are to start focusing what happened as anti-politics so that we can raise issues in a more fundamental way.

However, what will complicate an objective understanding of the crisis is that it did not take a national dimension. Only in a section i.e. Northern part of the country. Nevertheless, the current globalization not only has increased inequality between people, but also between regions, and nations. Therefore it is quite uneven in its processes and impact and gives rise to more benefits or negative counter-effects differently on different communities. It could bring marginalization of entire region in a nation or regions of the world economy.

Indeed, recent studies by the World Bank and the United Nation Development Programme revealed that there is more poverty in Northern Nigeria than in Southern Nigeria. Although their position is theoretically informed by optimist perspective of globalization, which says that the more society becomes opened to global market system the more development and less poverty, yet the empirical evidence in their reports is self-explanatory.

Accordingly, the embattled youths is an objective reality produced by neo-liberal economic relations. Similar forces with similar characteristics are also produced in Latin American, Asian and some other African cities. So, the "yan Jagaliya" in Kano, "yan kalare" in Gombe, "Yan sara suka" in Bauchi, and "yan yirni" in Maiduguri and others in other major cities in Nigeria are a reflection of a new process of class/group formation set by neo-liberal economic process.

In recorded history of the last 20 years, these forces have become agents of change – for democracy and political resistance – in many developing countries. In Nairobi, Kenya this similar group had become a strong body in control of the city to bargain for justice from the neo-liberal political and economic elites. In spite of whatever ethnic label given to them in Kenya, they became very significant in causing an alliance of alternative democratic parties which constitutionally through election removed from power the PDP-type cabal of corruption in Kenya.

On the other hand, if the post-presidential election crisis in Nigeria, as some others may argue is not by the new urban youths, the evidence seen on the ground is that the new youths constitute the larger forces, and from theoretical point of view, there is no any political action which would not bring other forces together. As history has shown many years ago that any struggle for political change that does not bring many interests together is dead.

In order to probe what the political agenda of the new youths is, theoretical is to ask what is the relationship between the state and this new group at one level and at another level the state and this kind of anti-institutional form of resistance.

Unlike in Latin American and Asian cities where this new group is allowed to form unemployment movement and state institutions formed to control and regulate them respectively. In African cities they pre left to compete in the market system. Each one of them is to see anything practicable to join in order to survive. They are such that there is no one to speak on their behalf, and not even having any idea about their collective interest.

In view of this, there is no any written document to assess their short and long-term plan for Nigeria. And what counter plan do they harbour in case they are attacked by the state after the crisis calms down. Therefore, analysis of their dilemma is only by their action.

Roadblocks and street fighting everywhere in Kano, Zaria, Kaduna, Bauchi, Gombe and many other towns and cities. With slogans "no PDP", "sai Maigaskiya". Any one who said no to these slogans is sent to death within a blink of an eye. Then there was invasion and occupation of all known PDP associates and sympathizer's houses.

What does this tell about the political and economic agenda of these youths? Whether this new social group i.e. the new urban youth know or not, on that day of the protest i.e. April 18^th, 2011, there was a contest of state power in most Northern states. In these contested areas, Zaria for example, there were burning of PDP offices, prisons, the houses of PDP chiefs etc. Here and the other contested cities there were war as the state came with full force of its police and the Armed forces to dislodge the rebels in all the contested areas. A curfew had to be placed which pulled out all other people to withdraw to their homes which exposed the new youth to more dangers and insecurity which made them too to withdraw quietly. With a weakened state in areas of the conflict, in the same day of the riots, the president and abnormally his vice-president received their certificates of victory in the elections from INEC, which all other parties refused to sign, as if they fear the elections may be cancelled. And this is followed by announcement in a speech to the nation by the president that a Judicial Commission of Inquiry would be appointed by Federal Government to investigate the protest. Unfortunately before the Judicial Commission is sworn-in, a caption on NTA news said "Federal Government blamed CPC for riots in the North".

A counter-power came out but was immediately disorganized. It is not surprising as the forces themselves are not clear, are confused or are they in dilemma? Because they were shouting "Sai Maigaskiya" – sending slogans against looting but many stories tell how they broke into houses of PDP chieftains and gone with money and other properties.

With a deeper reflection of what happened one may tend to pose an idea on what foresight for democracy and healthy political opposition in Nigeria? The following are the building blocks:

A law could be provided nationally and at state levels to allow the neo-liberal youths to form an unemployment movement and allowed to bargain for improvement of their welfare.
A new work system under the current globalization has changed the dynamics of labour and the process of labour formation. The Nigeria's Labour Movement should take this into recognition so that it can create a framework of alliance with unemployed movement and struggle to unionized groups such as "yan Achaba", "okada" etc.
A state institution may be created to regulate the unemployed by among other things providing them with welfare services, business education, guarantorship for credit facilities from financial institutions, etc.
To involve them in Government policies pertaining to fair income distribution.
Generally give them political education training about nation-building. Let them become vanguards of nation-building.

M.M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

21/04/2011

This paper has to be acknowledged whenever is used for purpose of scholarship

2011-05-05T06:37:00.005-07:00

Further Issues in Theoretical Framework in Social Sciences Research

Theoretical Framework in Social Science Research is the torchlight which shows the direction of what relevant data to pursue, but along the way an unexpected data may be seen in the collections. It is also it that consistently supposed to light how analysis of data could be done. But since there are traces of many other information in the store of the data collected, they must not be sorted out and thrown away. That is why every theoretical framework in social sciences research is not complete if is not constructed with elements that are against its main assumptions.

In the first paper which is titled "Theoretical Framework in Social Sciences Research", we have tried to bring out the meaning of theory, by what means a theory of research can be made and how a theoretical framework could be constructed.

Having observed that students at all levels – in the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano – are continuously in confusion about theory formation in social research, it is appropriate to raise further issues.

These issues are numerous to be counted here. But very few of methodological importance:

Very often you find that there is no relationship between the literature review and the theoretical framework.
In many cases one would see that the relationship between the theory and the data is zero. Therefore, when analysis of the data is presented, would not see any assumption of the theoretical framework in it.
Many other researchers think that they must obtain an already existing theory to apply in their studies.
The theoretical framework gives an overall orientation of a research work including definition of key concepts. But it is very common to find operational definition of concepts from different perspectives.

Now lets take each one of these for further examination and recommendation.

Literature review is an assessment of many existing theoretical positions on the subject of the study. As pointed in the first paper, abstract positions are not the only theoretical views. A story can be orderly presented and become a theory. All these when relevant to the subject could be reviewed as theoretical positions under the literature review.

Theoretical framework of a research can be derived from one or a combination of theoretical positions. As one economic geographer puts it in social research "there is neither a single point of inquiry, nor a single logic, spatial or otherwise. The best we can hope for are shards and fragments; not one complete story but a set of fragmented stories".

Specifically referring to economic geography but can apply to other social sciences. This kind of theory formation and or application provides constructivist understanding of a subject as in postmodernist, post-structuralist and a number of other related critical frameworks.

Without even a section on theoretical framework the theoretical positions from literature review can be used to do the analysis. But if a regulation of a university says create a section on theoretical framework, okay do it, but should reflect theoretical positions from the literature review. Theoretical positions or fragments as economic geographer Trevor Barnes said is possible would give a more critical understanding of the subject.

This follows the idea that research is a social criticism and so in doing research we need to be critical for fear that we end up seeing what we want to see. From philosophical point of view this draws particularly from the works of French theorists such as Michael Foucault and Jacques Derrida who argue that our understandings of the world do not constitute objective knowledge but are constructions based on our individual experiences and on the fluidity of meaning of words. In other words knowledge is often subjective based on our understanding of the world, what we already know of it and how we interprete it and other texts about it, through other theoretical framework.

The second issue. The question of the relationship between theory and data. Contribution to knowledge is always determined by the relationship between theory and observation or data. Although the relationship varies, it may be adequate or inadequate, yet it must be seen that there is a theory informing the observation made or the analysis of data that is being made.

This drives us to the third problem mentioned. This is about constructing or searching (sic) of a theoretical framework. I remember one Phd. Candidate in political science going like a beggar with his cap in hand asking anybody he sees that he's begging for a theoretical framework of his work. And do you know? He was begging of a theoretical framework after he has finalized a topic (may be in the same way), a research problem, hypotheses (which is also a theory), and literature review. There are numerous of this example among researchers at sub-degree and undergraduate levels.

This reveals a confusion, a methodological one for that matter, which reduces the power of social sciences research to make contribution for national development of Nigeria. Thus, the researches become mere composition in the chosen languages which when read will not change the imagination and capacity of the readers to think towards more ideas on the subject.

However, it is not disputed that a theoretical framework may be an already existing theory, or a modification of an already existing theory, but a researcher may drive an assumption either based on a contribution of any other writer or not and construct his/her theory of a research.

The last major flaw raised in construction of theoretical framework in social sciences research is the relationship between operational definition of concepts and the theory of the research. If the other concepts and the theory of the research are too unparallel, the research report and outcome may be incoherent. Although in post-modern research this is tolerable, but the theoretical framework is to be constructed with theories that could accommodate all diversities of the concepts and even the data.

M.M. Yusif

April, 2011

When this paper is used must be acknowledged

2011-05-05T06:37:00.003-07:00

WTO MOCK SUMMIT GROUP

BAYERO UNIVERSITY KANO

FAREWELL IN THE PARTING HOUR

It is a great pleasure for me to see many participants in the 2009 and 2010 WTO-Mock programmes to take part in the 29^th convocation ceremony which is held today March 25^th 2010.

When I see you around I feel happy to recall that the WTO- Mock programmes of 2009 and 2010 have produced young researchers and resource persons on WTO Agreement on Agriculture and on WTO-Doha Round issues respectively.

With deep feeling of attachment, I hereby pass my congratulations to all of you who have physically joined your colleagues and teachers to celebrate your graduation from this great university.

And also to those who have graduated but are not here to take part in the celebrations.

I wish the group has sacks and packages of money and or books to pass together with the congratulations that have come to you.

However, even if we have not accumulated money and books to distribute, we have produced resource persons who have become icons wherever they got themselves in the world of work.

I receive a lot of information on daily basis on this that one day when it is written the result would be clearly understood.

Meanwhile, I want to say it here do not forget to state in your Curriculum Vitae (CV) that you were an actor/actress in WTO-Mock Summit, Bayero University, Kano.

This is because although we have not become a national organization but we are quietly building a national recognition of excellence.

Since 2008 we resolved to build a national organization with a national office and research centre, but for obvious reasons we are not able to realize that objective.

This reason is that all those who became members of the group, when they passed out they entered a new life, with new acquaintance, friends, programmes, ambitions and challenges, and forgot the old one.

I think if you would not forget the old when you enter the new, in spite of all difficulties we would be faster becoming a national organization.

The national structure is taking shape gradually as:

The legal advisor in 2008, although has graduated but has become a permanent legal Director of the Group.
So, also the one who was Deputy Director, media crew, now remains a permanent member of the media team who comes every year to give advice.
Now, every year we got ex-mock summit activists who come to attend our annual event and even make financial contribution.
Again, during the training session of 2010 summit – i.e. the Round Table discussions – on WTO-Doha Round, a former Minister of Commerce of the Federal Republic of Nigeria came and there and then linked us directly with secretariat of WTO in Geneva. He appreciated and promised any assistance needed.

These have to be carried further and more of such kind be developed. This can only be done by ourselves. So, there is no parting. As one of you who graduated and attended the ceremonies said through GSM text, "I will forever be with you and part of the group". I hope all others will think the same way.

Finally, I wish you a successful transition to New Life.

Thank you very much.

M.M. Yusif

Director

WTO-Mock Summit

2011-05-05T06:37:00.001-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL ANAD MANAGEMENT SCIENCE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

Student Representative Forum (SRF)

The challenges of education today, especially at tertiary level reveal the complexity of what action to take. Infact, the situation is much more complicated than we see on the University Campuses. It is like the problems are being hidden as are rarely put to a higher level of discourse. Except in petty talks which do not identify the problem from a scholarly perspective, talkless of addressing them intellectually.

The University system is still, as in 1980s and 1990s in deep crisis which has led to a confusion about the objective and future choices of the colleges. This can be seen in a very low standard of education given, which reveals low quality of teaching and research. Indeed, because of lack of debate and play with global ideas structural conflict exists but unnoticed between the new rising profession of teaching and research as "privatisation" and the classical one which is otherwise.

Let me pose a single question: what do those of us i.e. students and teachers who are within the system do to confront these challenges now, in order to raise the level of standard of education.

There are many fronts which would be tackled individually another time. For now, what we the teachers and the students do to organise ourselves in the industry of production of knowledge or simply of ideas.

One expression of the decline of education is that there is also disappearance of democracy which by extension will go to liberal education in relationship between teachers and students.

Democracy practice at level of tertiary education is not just given by the teacher when he/she likes. Students must organise at the level of learning relationships to make democracy work. Then learning will become exciting and interesting and consequently ideas would be seen moving. And in the end education would become for transformation of individuals and of the learning environment.

This is strictly a perspective about classroom learning which may spread outside the classrooms to the entire school environment, but is not about school politics if at all it exists and not about state politics. In the past i had tried cyber club; internet association; and anti-plagiarism club. The achievements are impressive. They are about the spread of internet for learning and research among students of the Department of Political Science.

Now, is another initiative called Student Representative Forum. This is Students Committee to exist in all classes of M. M. Yusif. It is called a forum because all seminar leaders will constitute this forum, representing their seminars.

The SRF will have a chairman to be elected by the members themselves. Its work will include among other things;

To share information about the work of various seminars.
To observe and advise students who are not serious with their studies.
To encourage culture of readings among students
To encourage exchange of ideas including of common texts without dangerous competition
To promote the ideas contained in the paper "principles of teaching and learning in classes of M. M. Yusif.
To integrate the students, inspite of distinct social backgrounds for the purpose of learning and dissemination of ideas.
To show, by way of example a disciplined conduct in class work.

From school to National, students are potential agents for democracy and development. They had played this role before but now are atomised and dispersed by neo-liberal agenda. They have to start again from the beginning. Turning education for development of self, school environment, and the nation.

History has uncovered that students could keep themselves inside the university wall developing and exchanging ideas about their community and the larger society.

In Nigeria, it seems that development and vision for development are dead. There is no political agenda of an alternative. We are not begging for students to come out for organised politics but to debate ideas for an alternative development path and political strategy within the existing neo-liberal capitalist system. You may also pose the question: what would happen to National Economic and political development in post neo-liberal society?

M. M. Yusif

April, 2011

2011-03-14T05:17:00.001-07:00

WTO-Mock Summit is Six Years!

Speech Delivered at Training on WTO-Mock Summit 2010

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

I am happy to see many of you present inspite of the short notice. This gives me happiness and confidence as this year we have to tackle preparation with fastness to achieve maximum success.

This coming summit is going to be the Sixth Round. The first was in 2005 and since then we have never missed this important annual event.

The successes and the feedback we have continued to receive are numerous to be tabled and discussed here. Nevertheless I could mention few:

We have moved from local to a group with international recognition and importance in the circle of global trade interest.
We have carried the name of Bayero University, Kano, especially among concerned parents to a higher pedestal, as seen in the case of one parent who sent me a GSM text message which said that he has no regret to send his daughter to read in BUK because of the mock summit played on the campus.
Another success brought by the summit to the society generally is that it has become a certificate for securing jobs both in the private and public sector. Furthermore, information that comes to me from time to time is that in various places of jobs where there are WTO-Mock Summit participants, they are distinguished by team work to attain the goal of the organization they work, hard work and performance.
In 2008, the WTO-Mock Summit Group proposed a working programme and formed many committees which will enable the Group to become a National and Research Centre to disseminate ideas about global trade. This is affirmed and stressed in 2009. This proposal remains but there are problems along the way to push it foreword.
Meanwhile, we have opened a website in 2008 and since then all the speeches of the Mock-Summit are posted there.
Again, since 2008 we are determined to process the pictures of the summits into the website, but still we are unable to do it.
We believe that we would continue with our efforts until we overcome all difficulties along way. An encouraging development is that during the 2009 training session, a former Minister of Commerce of the Federal Republic of Nigeria who heard of the WTO-Mock Summit came round and expressed his appreciation. There and then, he directly connected us with WTO Secretariat in Geneva and now regularly received News Letters on global trade. He also sent a book of Laws/Agreements of the WTO.
Again, from 2008 we have started compiling the speeches and printing the communiqué of the WTO-Mock Summit for future reference.

Anyway we can continue talking endlessly on this. In the next convocation ceremonies we are going to organize a reception for mock summit participants of 2009 and 2010 "Doha boys and girls", so, there we are going to talk more about this.

Well, I can see that some of you have been part of the Mock-Summit since 2008 but I am happy that there are many new faces. This is a guarantee for continuity.

The mock summit of this year is different from others before it. The past ones were full Ministerial summits which brought all Ministers of trade of member countries to negotiate global trade issues. On the other hand the 2010 summit is a Mini-ministerial Summit of a consultative type to break the deadlock which holds the WTO from moving foreword. Accordingly, only member countries with special interests in global trade are represented.

The organization of the summit is that it is not going to be hosted by any member country but the secretariat of the WTO in Geneva. So it is going to be tagged "Geneva 2010". The chairman of the summit (Lawi Isah Abdullahi) is the mock chairman of the General Council of the WTO. Still, there will be Commission Reports and Trade Delegates Speeches. The speeches of the delegates must include recommendations, which would be further discussed and debated.

In the end the summit may break without agreement; or it may agree to set agenda for a full Ministerial Conference; or may end up with "lets go and continue with consultations". Whichever of these three scenarios the summit has come up with there would be a position paper which is going to be posted through online system to the secretariat of the real WTO.

Now let me join in the discussion the subject-matter of the coming mock-summit clearly. It is already detailed in the briefing paper on 2010 WTO-Mock Summit. As it is going to be a Consultative Forum it is framed around a theme "The WTO Doha Round and the current Multilateral Trading System: which way Forward". In other words the mock summit is intended to capture the reality of global trade today which is that the GATT-WTO System is in crisis and so what would be the future of international trade.

The crisis of global trade under WTO-regime is not new, but the recent financial crisis has aggravated it-pushing for more disagreements and uncertainties between and among various groups under the regime.

The popular parlance in global trade i.e. Doha Development Agenda is an expression of this problem but is refused to be addressed up to when the recent financial crisis became deep, which made it more difficult to negotiate the DDA.

The idea of DDA is that the entire institution of global trade and the ideology governing it is to be reformed in such away to make trade brings development to developing and underdeveloped country members of the WTO.

So you are going to report, examine and debate various aspects of global trade under the WTO-regime with a view of suggesting the way forward for bringing back the WTO negotiations to continue in order to reposition the global trade organization.

However, you must bear in mind that this kind of crisis is not new in the governance of multilateral trading system. In recorded history it is there that immediately after the Second World War when International Trade Organisation (ITO) was borne, one of the major actors i.e. USA refused to ratify the charter i.e. Havana Charter because it needed a space to establish a monopoly in the large markets of Europe and the developing countries. Secondly, the USA wanted to remove "Development" clause in the Havana Charter.

The global trade did not move forward until when in 1948, ITO was replaced by GATT, which retained some provisions of ITO and added new ones of limited liberation of trade. So, the GATT regime was delivered. The GATT system, although contained rules for limited liberation of trade, yet the major actors weakened the rules by allowing exceptions deliberately to favour them.

When in the late 1960s global economic crisis spread which caused the break-down of the IMF fixed exchange between the major currencies, the GATT system became shaken and virtually dead, never to rise again as original GATT regime.

As the GATT system became weak and powerless, the multilateral trading system became lawless – with all kind of protectionism and restriction everywhere until when it was hoped that another reform which delivered GATT-WTO in 1994 is expected to resolve the crisis.

It seems that the global power relation does not change. The same problems have re-emerged under GATT-WTO regime. Or are they not the same? What are you going to suggest?

I wish you happy and as usual rigorous training to finalise the agenda for WTO-mock Summit 2010.

M. M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

Director WTO-Mock Summit

28-11-2011

2011-03-14T05:16:00.003-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO – NIGERIA

SUMMARY OF EXAMINATION RESULTS

BY M. M. YUSIF

4301;4313;3314;2204

2009/2010 ACADEMIC SESSION

POL.4301: MILITARY AND POLITICS

SUB-TITLE: MILITARY AND SOCIETY IN THE ERA OF NEO-LIBERAL GLOBALISATION

A………………………………………17 Students
B………………………………………49 (1 is Spill Over Student)
C………………………………………55 (7 are Spill Over Students)
D………………………………………26 (3 are Spill Over Students)
E………………………………………72 (19 are Spill Over Students)
F………………………………………13 (3 are Spill Over Students)
Total…………………………………232

POL. 4313: PEACE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

SUBTITLE: GLOBALISATION, CITIZENSHIP QUESTION AND ETHNIC CONFLICT

A………………………………………10 Students
B………………………………………29 Students
C………………………………………20 Students
D………………………………………08 Students
E………………………………………21 Students
F………………………………………05 Students
Total…………………………………93

POL. 3314: POLITICS OF DEVELOPMENT AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT

SUBTITLE: POLITICS OF TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT

A………………………………………14 Students
B………………………………………38 Students
C………………………………………54 Students
D………………………………………28 Students
E………………………………………65 (26 are CO & SO)
F………………………………………15 (7 are CO & SO)
Total…………………………………215

POL. 2204: FOUNJDATION OF POLITICAL ECONOMY

SUBTITLE: MARXIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY

A………………………………………20 Students
B………………………………………39 Students
C………………………………………54 Students
D………………………………………34 Students
E………………………………………69 (28 are CO & SO)
F………………………………………14 (8 are CO &SO)

Total………………………………230

2011-03-14T05:16:00.001-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

Pol. 4301: MILITARY AND POLITICS

SUBTITLE: ARMED FORCES, STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE ERA OF NEO-LIBERAL GLOBALISATION

2009/2010

M. M. Yusif

Instruction:

Below is a continuation of semester Group works of students of Military and Politics – 2009/ 2010. They are recommended for students studies on the course.

S/N

AUTHOR/SEMINAR

TITLE

YEAR

Surajo yahaya Muhammad

How does ICT affect warfare system?

2009/2010

Basiru Musa

How does globalization affect civil-Military Relation?

2009/2010

Sule Suleiman

Comparative Analysis of Military Transformation in U.S.A. and South Africa

2009/2010

Abubakar Salihu

The Challenges of Military – Society Relations in the Current Era of Globalization

2009/2010

Aminu Salisu

Is there a post – modern society and Military?

2009/2010

Auwal Abdullahi Danbatta

Post – Modern Military: Modernity Versus Post Modernity

2009/2010

Aliyu Sani Sheme

Post – Modern Changes and Military Transformation

2009/2010

Mohammad Jamilu Abdussalam

State And Globalisation: Which One Generates the Other?

2009/2010

Isa Mohammad

Nigerian Armed forces and the Challenges of Post-Modern Military Capability

2009/2010

10.

Maryam Suleiman Yakub

Post – Modern Military and Security in the Era of Neo-Liberal Globalisation

2009/2010

11.

Muhammad Rabiu Omika

Military in Modern and Postmodern Era

2009/2010

12.

Saminu Ismail

Post-Modern Military What is its Mission?

2009/2010

13.

Salim Bala Mohammed

The Impact of Technologies in the Military Arena

2009/2010

14.

Sani Shuaibu Sani

The Transformation of Pre-Modern Military to Modern Military

2009/2010

15.

Shamsuddeen Musa

Does Our Contemporary Society Really need Armed Forces?

2009/2010

Fate Bukar Fate

The Military Legitimacy as a Basis of "Social Contract" Between Soldiers and the Socio-Political Community

2009/2010

17.

Murtala Abu-Ubaidu

Distinguish Modern Military Formation and Organisation from Post-Modern

2009/2010

18.

Binta Muhammad Kurmawa

Distinguish the Role of the Modern Military From Post – Modern

2009/2010

19.

Ali Umar

Modernity Versus Post – Modernity: A Case of Warfare System

2009/2010

20.

Kamaldeen L. Abubakar

Armed Forces in Nigeria: Modern or Post – Modern

2009/2010

21.

Zainab Saleh

Post-Modern Military Warfare: USA – Iraq war

2009/2010

22.

Halima Ibrahim Lawal

Globalisation and Technological Development: Restructuring of the Nigerian Armed Forces

2009/2010

23.

Bello Ahmad Tijjani

An Evaluation of Traditional and Post – Modern Military Mission

2009/2010

24.

Sani Lawan Gomna

Why Is Media Manipulation Considered Central to Post – Modern Warfare

2009/2010

2011-03-14T05:15:00.001-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

POL.4301: MILITARY AND POLITICS

The following are semester Group Essays of students of military and politics of the last four Academic Sessions selected for the contributions they made on the subject. They are recommended for students references. You are hereby encouraged to work harder and produce qualitative Group Essay material to join these ones which would be bound as reference material by your Association (NAPSS).

S/N	AUTHOR	TITLE	YEAR
1.	Suleiman Dauda Daura et al	Global military establishment: for world security or threat to world security	2004/2005
2.	Mohammed Hambali Mohammed et al	Globalization and Third World: Security and Defence	2004/2005
3.	Hafsat Y. Yakasai	Terrorism as another Phase of Globalisation	2004/2005
4.	Bashir K. Muhammad et al	Deregulation of Weapons market and the Privatization of Military in the Global System: Who gains, Who loses?	2004/2005
5.	Sani K. Suwidi et al	Militarization and Globalization: Politics of Nuclear Threats in the Contemporary World	2004/2005
6.	Korau et al	Unilateral Application of Military Power is one of the Major Characteristics of Contemporary Globalized Economy. How and Why?	2003/2004
7.	Hassan Danyalwa Umar et al	Examine the Contribution and Proportion of Defence Allocation and of Health, Education and Agriculture in 2003 Budget of Nigeria. What is the Implication for Social and Economic Development	2003/2004
8.	Mohammed Ibrahim Zingkur et al	What is Terrorism? Why is Terrorism a Common Phenomenon in the Contemporary Era of Globalization	2003/2004
9.	Francis Onoja James et al	Rebellion is a Form of Military Behavior in Politics. What is it? Is rebellion a Satisfactory Counter Action/Strategy Against Globalization	2003/2004
10.	Aliyu Hassan Salihu et al	Examine Both in Theory and Practice the Distinction between Guerilla Army and Militia	2003/2004
11.	Hamidu Hamidu Jantabo et al	The World Today Is Characterized by Insecurity both Nationally and Internationally. How it Affects Africa and How it could be Reformed	2003/2004
12.	Abdulhamid Ahmad Abdullahi et al	The Impact of Arms Production and Arms Trade on the Socio-Economic Development of Developing Countries	2003/2004
13.	Rabiu Usman et al	What Is National Liberation Army? Make a Study of any one Country where there was National Liberation Army, showing its Military, Political, Organizational and other Characteristics	2003/2004
14.	Zainab Musa et al	With many Examples From Across the Countries of Africa and Latin America, bring out the problems of post-military Democracy	2002/2003
15.	Bala Mohammed et al	Distinguish the Terms: Militia, Militarism and Militarization	2002/2003
16.	Muttaqa Yusha'u et al	How does the Contemporary globalization affects the Military in the Third World	2002/2003
17.	Abdullahi Musa Ibrahim et al	Examine both in Theory and Practice the Problems of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria	2002/2003
18.	Murtala Mamman et al	Which of the Many Theoretical Explanations on Why the Military Intervenes in the Politics of the Third World Countries can Withstand Empirical Test	2002/2003
19.	Alakwe Emmanuel et al	Why is a National Security State is Always Militaristic?	2002/2003
20.	Group 4	What is Militry? What is Militarism? Distinguish between Old and New Militarism	2002/2003
21.	Sani Abubakar Maishanu et al	Militarization of the Global Economic Relations Under Contemporary Globalization	2004/2005
22.	Adamu Fate Jigaware et al	Globalization and the Global Transnational state: Reducing Power of Nation-State	2004/2005
23.	Dimas et al	Globalization and the US Struggle for Global Military Dominance	2005/2006
24.	Musbau et al	The Military Industrial Complex and Violence in Africa: An Analysis of the Proliferation of Weapons in Contemporary Globalisation	2005/2006
25.	Bala Y. Z. et al	ICT for Teaching and Research	2005/2006
26.	Abdulrasheed et al	Globalization, state and national security	2005/2006
27.	Bushra Jibril et al	Arms Production and Trade: for World Security or Threat to World Security	2005/2006
28.	Aina'u S. Minjibir	How Does Globalization and Militarisation Erodes the Sovereignty of Nation States	2005/2006
29.	Suleiman S. Mani et al	Arms Production, Trade and Transfer: Impact on Militarisation of Third World Countries	2005/2006
30.	Nuruddeen Aminu	Terrorism as a Threat to Internal Security of nation State in the Contemporary Era of Globalisation	2005/2006
31.	Aminu Audi et al	Information Technology and Militarization of Society	2006/2007
32.	Aliyu Jamilu et al	A New Role and a New Formation: Post-moder Military in the Contemporary Globalization	2006/2007
33.	Halima Ali Bashir et al	The Roles of Military in the Phases of Globalization: The Theory and Practice of the Current Phase	2006/2007
34.	Adamu Ismail et al	The Current Era of Globalization and Changing Role of Military Formation and Operations: USA	2007/2008
35.	Auwal Abubakar et al	The Science of Military and World Economic Order: A Comparative Analysis of Past and Present	2007/2008
36.	Umar Danjuma et al	Information Technology and Postmodern Warfare System: A Case of US Afghans War	2007/2008
37.	Hamza Marafa et al	The Costs of Postmodern Military System in USA	2007/2008
38.	Zainul Abideen et al	Military Expenditure in African Countries: Old and New	2007/2008
39.	Hamisu Idris et al	Neo-liberal Globalization and Privatization of Violence	2007/2008
40.	Aliyu Zubairu et al	Globalization and Military Formation: a case study of Britain	2007/2008
41.	Aminu Saleh Isyak et al	Arms Trade and Military Expenditure in the Current Era of Globalization	2007/2008
42.	Ibrahim Amadu et al	Postmodern Military Science	2007/2008

M. M. Yusif

Course Instructor

2011-03-14T05:14:00.003-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Bayero University, Kano

B.Sc. Political Science

Research Works – 2009/2010

Supervised

M. M. Yusif

Politics of globalization: World Trade Organisation and the disputes over Doha Development Agenda. This has captured my attention and of my final year research students, so it became the focus of social investigation and assessment.

The reason is obvious. This area has now become a subject of enquiry both in International Relations, International Political Economy, Law, History, Economics and other Social Studies.

Combined with our interest in global trade under WTO regime we bring "New Political Science" tools to examine various issues under Doha work programme.

We set the research work with a background on the history of GATT on global trade, WTO rules as it affects global trade, theoretical perspective on Doha and development, then many issues such as the cotton initiative; trips and public health; dispute settlement mechanism, agriculture; environment; etc.

We have sent our searchlight to assess how the recent financial crisis affected international trade.

Few of my students have worked on related areas such as the impact of globalization on Direct Foreign Investment.

Below are the names of the researchers and the topics:

Khadija Muhammad Kassim

"GATT and Liberalisation of Global Trade".

Saleh Sani Tahir
"WTO Rules and Implications for Global Trade"
Salim Bala Muhammad
"WTO – Doha Agenda: A Development Perspective"
Binta Muhammad Kurmawa
"The Impact of the Doha Development Agenda on Nigeria"
Sule Suleiman
"WTO Doha Round and Agriculture in Global Trade: The case of Cotton Initiative"
Yau Gadau
"Doha Development Agenda: Exportation of Fresh Fruits from Kenya to Europe"
Maimuna Yakubu Kofar Mata
"The Implication of WTO Doha Round on African Agriculture: A Case Study of Fishery in Kenya"
Mohammed Jamilu Abdussalam
"WTO – Doha Development Agenda on Multilateral Environmental Agreements"
Magaji Sa'adu Usman
"Doha Development Agenda; Textiles and Clothing"
Aminu Salisu
"WTO Doha Agenda: Trips and Public Health"
Abubakar Salihu
"Doha Development Agenda: Challenges in Water Services"
Basiru Musa
"Doha Development Round: Dispute Settlement Mechanism
Aliyu Sani Sheme
"WTO Doha Agenda: US – China Trade Conflicts: A Case Study of Textiles and Clothing Products"
Surajo Yahaya Muhammad
"The Impact of the 2008 Financial Crisis on International Trade"
Usman Adamu Bissallah
"Doha Development Agenda: Challenges for Regional Trade Agreements"
Auwal Abdullahi Dambatta
"Neo-Liberal Globalisation and Direct Foreign Investment in Developing Countries: A Case Study of Nigeria"
Mohammed Mohammed Sambo
"African Union and the New World Order"
Sylvester Nuhu
"Global Financial Crisis and its Implication for Nigeria"
Muazu Hamidu Abugu

"Globalisation and its Impact on Foreign Direct Investment in Nigeria (2000 – 2008)"

2011-03-14T05:14:00.001-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

POL.4301: MILITARY AND POLITICS

GROUP RESEARCH PAPERS BY 2008/2009 STUDENTS

The title of the project is "Transformation of Armed forces from Modern to Post-Modern". As the class was divided into groups called seminars of not more than ten students, each made a case study of a country showing the history, structure, organization, etc. of the military of the country, bringing out the changes if there are to postmodern organization and functions.

These papers may form preliminary literature for other students on "Military and Politics" in the Department

S/N	SEMINARS/AUTHORS	CASE STUDY	YEAR
1.	Salihi Ahmad Aliyu	India	2008/2009
2.	Riyauddeen Z. M.	South Africa	2008/2009
3.	Babangida Salihu	Russia	2008/2009
4.	Musa Yusuf Yahaya	Italy	2008/2009
5.	Musa Garba Usman	Denmark	2008/2009
6.	Sani Garba Wakili	New Zealand	2008/2009
7.	Amina Idris Ibrahim	Indonesia	2008/2009
8.	Faiza Tukur Pate	Netherlands	2008/2009
9.	Abba Adamu Talba	Germany	2008/2009
10.	Shehu Lawan	United Kingdom	2008/2009
11.	Mustapha Mukhtar	United State of America	2008/2009
12.	Abdullahi Muawiyah	France	2008/2009
13.	Abdullahi Shehu Yusuf	Swaziland	2008/2009
14.	Sani Sabiu	Canada	2008/2009
15.	Fatima Ali Suwaid	Israel	2008/2009
16.	Hashim Muh'd Yusuf	Nigeria	2008/2009
17.	Umar A. Ahmad	China	2008/2009
18.	Adamu Njobdi	Australia	2008/2009
19.	Alaba Kazeem	Yugoslavia	2008/2009
20.	Jamilu Halidu	Ukraine	2008/2009
21.	Anas Sule	Bulgaria	2008/2009

M. M. Yusif

Course Instructor

2011-03-14T05:13:00.003-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO

Pol. 4301: Military and Society

Academic year: 2010/2011

Instructor: M.M. Yusif

mmyusif@yahoo.com

mmyusif07@gmail.com

polbuk@yahoo.com

http://www.mmyusif.blogspot.com

Introduction

The title of this course remains as "Military and Politics" as on the original teaching programmes of the Department. The scope and content of the science was conceived not beyond "old modernization" theory, to explain why military intervened directly in politics and its role, os a modernizing agent in political and economic development.

In the last 25 years there have been deep structural changes locally, nationally and globally which necessarily caused the re-organization of the military role and missions, thereby affecting the relationship of Armed forces and society.

The structural changes are accompanied by theoretical and paradigm shift in the study of military and politics. Furthermore, the science becomes not a monopoly of political science, as it becomes a subject of study in history, sociology, law, international relations and other social science disciplines.

Our focus in this academic year is on the relationship of Armed Forces and Society. Especially from the angle of what changes the military of various countries are going through in order to cope with its legitimate responsibilities. For example, what happened to traditional features of military life, organization, professionalism, and even the armed forces unique culture?

We are going to explore these changes both from theory and practice perspectives. A comparative study will be made, drawing countries from across the globe to analyze and assess the military abilities or otherwise to change to cope with reality of new organization of the military in relation to neo-liberal society.

Course outline

Introduction: introducing the course and what it contains; where is it in political science; course requirements; aid for learning and research; assessment of the teaching programme by students; getting acquainted; division of students into seminars.
The concept: Armed Forces/Military: what meaning? For what purpose? What orientation?
Military and Society: Theoretical perspectives
Constructing military – Society relation in neo-liberal globalization
Armed Forces in post-modern society: the post-modern Military
Information Technology and Military Affairs
Post-modern warfare system
The New-Military Formations, the New Civil-Military relations
Globalization, Security and the Military
Comparative Studies of the New Military Organization
Conclusion I: Theoretical conclusion; Reports on Seminar Semester Projects and response papers
Conclusion II: Eating and Chatting; critical comments on classroom experience

Essential Readings

Paul Hirst, The future of political studies
Shu Yun Ma, "Political Science at the edge of chaos"? The Paradigmatic shift IPSR vol. 28 No. I (2007)
Mauro C. and Rosanna D. "E. Research: An Introduction to Online Political Science Sources for beginners and skeptics". IPSR Vol. 28 No. 2 (2007).
Stephen V. F. Guide to methods for students of Political Science. Website
M. M. Yusif, Principles of teaching and learning in classes of M. M. Yusif. Website
M. M. Yusif, Education and transformation of individual as students. Website
M. M. Yusif, How to write small research project. Website
Engels F. Anti-Duhring pgs 195-225
Roxa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of capital pgs 454 – 467
Lenin, state and revolution
Jack woddis, Armies and Politics chapters 2 and 13
Paul Commack, David Pool and willian Tordott, Third World Politics: A Comparative Introduction. Chapters 2 and 4
Sushila Ramaswamy, Political Theory: Ideas and Concepts. Pgs. 89 – 92
David Chuter, Defence Transformation. ISS Monograph No. 49 (200)
Anthony Forster, Armed Forces and Society in Europe pgs. 1 – 18
Charles C. Moskos et-al, The Post-modern Military. Chapter 1 and others
Timothy E. et-al, The Armed Forces and Society: A Frame work for Analysis
A. F. Klimenko, globalization and its impact on military politics and strategy
Martin Shaw, "The Development of Common-Risk Society".
Bradford Booth et-al, Are Post-cold war Militaries post-Modern?
Anthony Forster, A Critique of the Postmodern Military Thesis: The European Challenge
Anthony Forster, "The Post-Modern Military: the Irony of Strengthening defence
No name, The post-Fordist Military
No name, IT and Global Ruling class
Max Boot, The Paradox of Military Technology
Castells M. Information Technology, Globalisation and Social formation.
Paul T. M. Network Centric warfare: coalition operations in the age of US military primacy
Gerald Schneider, war in the era of globalization
Phillip Harmmond, Post modernity goes to war
Michael E. from kadesh to Kandahar: Military theory and the future of war
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: the theory and Politics of Civil-Military relations.
Albright D. "A comparative conceptualization of civil-Military relation". World Politics vol. 44 No. 3
Christopher Dandeker, "The Military in Democratic Societies: New times and new Pattern of Civil-Military Relations".
Richard H. K. The Erosion of Civilian control of the military in the USA today. Naval war college Review vol. 48 No. 3
Mikkel V. R. "A Parallel globalization of terror: Security and Globalisation". In cooperation and conflict vol. 37 No. 3
Sunday Ochoche, "The Military and National Security in Africa".
John F. B. "The Indonesian Military as a Professional organization: Criteria and Ramification for Reform
John A. W. "The Postmodern Military reconsidered". In Charles C. M.
Wilfred V. B. "Re-nationalisation of Military strategy? Now Challenges for the Armed Forces in a Changing Global Environment". In Jungercrand jeen C.
Chunakhra G. M. "The Militarisation of Politics and society".
Gruta S. "Theoretical Postulation: A twin van in Understanding Military and Politics.
Janowit Z, The Professional Armed

Course Requirements

The last thirty minutes of each lecture period will be for discussion of some readings given as weekly assignment. Note that these assignments are as important as the end of the semester examination. Any student who failed to do one weekly exercise will miss all the points earmarked for class work.

Evaluation of students will be based on end of the semester examination (70%) and continues Assessment (30%). On the CA Students will normally be required to do so many things including the said weekly assignment; a Group Small research project: research project response papers; working Groups discussion, a supervised test as well as full class attendance which is a requirement to be allowed to write the semester examination on the course.

In order to build competence and skills in work, new methods of usage of ICT for learning will be devised. Students would also be programmed to cultivate expressions in poetic compositions. So, poetry writing will be revived to capture self-expressions of the issues we are going to treat on the course.

The relationship between students on the one hand and students and the teacher on the other hand determine a successful programme for development of knowledge to understand human behavior and the world in general. That is why my last contact with students will be critical comments on classroom experience both by the teacher and the students.

All other things of the requirement of class work in your 300 Level also applied here. For example plagiarism and any other academic dishonesty will not be tolerated in my class. Secondly, active participation by asking questions and making comments is the best way of learning which each student must try to use. Thirdly, there are on my blogspot, many different materials showing how to improve quality of learning and research. So, you are required to access them.

Finally, my watchword in this academic session is "Education for Transformation of Individuals as students". Get ready. Each one of you is going to show and tell us that he/she has changed, from the time we have started to the end of the course and beyond.

2011-03-14T05:13:00.001-07:00

POEMS

FROM CLASS OF MILITARY AND POLITICS – POL4301 2008/2009 ACADEMIC SESSION

FAIZAH TUKUR PATE

2009

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO NIGERIA

Contents

Introduction 3

Military and Politics 4

A Word of Praise and an Advice to my Colleagues 6

THE GEM (M. M. YUSIF) 8

SORRY 10

Introduction

The crisis of the University system touches every stakeholder. Only by varied and consistent as well as self-less efforts could arrest breakdown.

We cannot escape the fact that good students in the system must also intervene directly to make their contributions in correcting the distortions in the system.

But how far this can be done? Only by development of ideas is effective and affirmative intervention could be seen.

The author of this literary booklet has just as importantly tries to do what I encourage her set of students in teaching of political science with poetry dimension.

Yes! She had become an ICON in the Department of Political Science. Together with six other students they became a "Group of Seven", that had made the greatest and most wonderful WTO-Mock Summit i.e. WTO-Mock Summit 2009.

The author's role in Bayero University, Kano-Nigeria is not only in generating ideas for thought but also as a great social being.

This literary work in four different themes expresses her social and public as well as intellectual image.

M. M. Yusif

Military and Politics

In this fascinating course

Where in the jackbooks have been replaced by the soft-touch electronic keys

In this brooks of knowledge of military and politics, where we learn a striking difference in the hard armouny of the yore and hitch innovation that make blasts nice to watch

Blasts of bombs from above the sky and beneath the heavy rain of gunshots

Small children wailing and their faces wry

And from the ground assaults you have the guerrillas,

Doing the hit and runs

With the swiftness and silence of the higgless movement of the crocodile

Camouflaged and only an eye

Watching to get the prey…

Hmm… military and politics

Taught with such exuberance

Imparted with vibrance of

Spirit splendour of candour,

It's you I hail!

The post modern lecturer

Who is never a combatant

In the gery fields

Yet can teach me about a war

Where in these are many wars

What an elation I feel

Deep down my heart

The spirit of team work

That kept tinkling us to do more.

The fervence of working

Together which makes my

Memory of all of my fellows very fresh

The sweetness of it all

Is, we inspired each other

And so shall we continue to.

A Word of Praise and an Advice to my Colleagues

Encouragement is what you have given to us and it is the master of fear at first we had fear in our minds

But later we realized, that when a lemon is given to you, add a handful of Sugar to make it sweet

With your encouragement, we became the product and circumstances of our choice.

A person with courageous behaviour is able to bring change to the world, what we do and what we are capable of doing will solve our problem.

My fellow colleagues, we must learn to read, if we want to become leaders, we must be readers, because good leaders are good readers

Even if you don't read widely,

You should read wisely, not only in the field of studies or for the sake of exams but for the purpose of understanding.

In this postmodern era of globalization, it is only the educated that are free. Do not allow yourself to be like a football for the neo-colonialism and capitalism to play with.

Nobody can be responsible without knowledge, so acquire it, in the hard and only way, through the postmodern lecturer.

In every 60secs two thousand materials are produce for the sake of man's knowledge but the materials can take man 5 years to read, so it is your opportunity now, grab it at a free price.

Reading is an exercise, it makes out brains sharp not only in acquiring knowledge but wisdom, you can live a healthy life with knowledge and wisdom, so do not be lazy!!

You can imagine, how the postmodern lecturer has reformed SALIHI AHMAD ALIYU!!!

Be like the postmodern lecturer

M. M. Yusif, The independent researcher (M. M. Mukhtar), what about the political commissar (Riyauddeen), the guerilla theorist (Humble Muawiya), the GENERALS do not forget them

THE GEM (M. M. YUSIF)

In an ivory tower

There is a gem

So priceless

On whose mind is a bank

Of political science.

There are stores of logic

And theories Balkanized

In this big heart

M. M. Yusif

So terse a name

So nice a gem

He shot the game

It a lame

A predator dreaded

In my sense

The darkness in my head

Was turned an incense

Because of the gem!!!

Adieu! My teacher,

Bravo! My tutor,

Can you now see,

The mystery of time

And distance.

Now we can no longer chat together.

In the debate of say,

The mock summit

Whereas I am sure,

As bees to petals

Millions like me

Shall come to you

Sucking!

M. M. The theorist

He is special

He is a tutor.

I weep my heart

When I imagine

Not having you as I go on,

Another sojourn

Inn my battle

To build my life.

Goodbye my teacher

Adieu my tutor

Missing you my director

Farewell teacher!!!

SORRY

Whatever I do

Such as even smiling at you

I know it affects you

I am sorry is all I can say

When I offend my own world

Because, in it, I still torment it.

I run your rivers dry

I wither your most beautiful followers

Starving your fishes and

The buzzing bees

But, all, I do not know

I am sorry

I was not able to fix back trees,

I did say sorry when

I still offend you!!!

You serve me of your fruits,

You ignore my beauty,

With no clean shower,

You said I already

Have them all.

Despite all, I say sorry

For things that I have

Put you through,

All the times

You did not

Know what to do

I took a deep breath,

For your words, are your words

And then, I know I have them all

Whatever given contented

I'll and accepting I have

Been even with the rife

And fall of ignorance

I can not give lace, laurels,

Gold and diamond to you,

Still where ever I go,

You are there,

You'll never let me

Be on my own.

I offend you, when I offend

Myself, when I do not know

But forever, grateful,

I am.

I know, I always offend you,

And it always be to my

Detriment but,

Today, am sorry is the

Only seed I need to grow

On you.

For me to track on

That, path of forgiveness

With you!!!

2011-03-14T05:12:00.003-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO – NIGERIA

My watch word in this year's teaching is whatever ideas received from me or from text books given to read are not correct and final. You must challenge and criticize them in order to keep learning

M. M. YUSUF

10^th May, 2010 in class of POL 4301

2011-03-14T05:12:00.001-07:00

M.M. YUSUF DEBATE 2010

INTRODUCTION

M. M. Yusif debate is a programme designed to create a forum for exchange of ideas between students from different disciplines in the university.

The objective of the programme is another personal contribution of M. M. Yusif in association with multiplex limited. Specifically the aim is to empower the capacity of the students to face the challenges of increasingly globalizing world. Once, I told my students who graduated in 2005 that the world is moving very fast, they must move faster otherwise they would be left behind. The debate is an attempt to give the students of Bayero University, Kano Nigeria a push to move faster to meet the fast moving global society.

Proposed Topics

Genetically modified food: for human development or to kill development.
Biofuels: a source of energy or of hunger.
Economic developments VS the environment: Benefits and Dangers
Regionalism: Enhances globalization or obstacle to globalization.
Clash of Civilizations: Myth or reality.

Organizing Committee

Surajo Y. Mohammad ---------------------------------------- Chairman
Basiru Musa Member
Collins Sakue "
Abdulganiyu Rufa'I "
Lawi Isah Abdullahi "
Nafi'u Osama "

Terms of References

It is going to be a competition to bring out the first, second and third positions. Preferably Departmental Associations. There is going to be an award for each of the positions. You are however, to come out with suggestions on how to be conducted, which of the above topics and when.

You are allowed to make any recommendation for the success of the programme.

M. M. Yusif

November, 2010

2011-03-14T05:11:00.003-07:00

Education and Transformation of Individual as Students

The notion of education is broader than merely by teaching. But teaching is a significant element in education. Yet in philosophical definition of teaching there is a meaning of teaching in general which is distinguished from teaching as part of educational processes. In other words, teaching as educative.

What does it mean to say one is a teacher generally or is a teacher as an educator? Each of these meanings of teaching or of teacher makes a distinction in teacher's orientation towards his/her students as learners.

The sense of teaching is that the teacher has the task of disseminating knowledge but in teaching as education is to allow knowledge that is passed on to be criticized, reformulated and revised by the learner. This means teacher here is a facilitator.

However, initiation into this requires many activities by learners. On several occasions last academic session I said "…whatever ideas received from me or from text books …are not correct and final. You must challenge and criticized them in order to keep learning". Underlying this are many work maps such as weekly reading; discussion on the texts read; debates; and many other theoretical activities to build the learner with independent means of acquisition of knowledge and understanding of the world.

Without getting into the debate on this matter which may bring issues about 'moulding' model or 'growth' model of education, let me ask that the independent means of acquisition of knowledge and understanding the world which I practice, could it bring learners transformation through education?

Nevertheless, the idea of transformation of a student does not only amount to self-realization, as it will not involve just to confirming the existing view of the teacher. As I see it the transformation must be seen in the teacher's respect of the opinion of his/her students and the need for students to accept that the teacher could pass the required ideas. This could be rejected by students with reason. And if it is accepted by a student, it is entirely the responsibility of the student, as he/she must have reason for acceptance, perhaps different from the teacher's.

Transformation through education may be positive or negative, or right and wrong changes in the students. Whichever process of change is taking place in the learner; the transformation could be understood by seeing disruptions, interruptions, and even irritation in the learner's experience. This is necessary because one i.e. a learner is going through a discontinuity of experience.

If this is found happening, sometimes the relationship between the teacher and the students could be sour. For example, in 2003 academic session. Is it? Final year students of the department of political science rioted carrying placards chanting that they did not want me to teach them. Some of their reasons are: they did not want weekly assignment; that some students I personally picked to supervise their final year projects have nearly finished before official list came out from the Department; that every course I handle for teaching I review the content which put-off the students from rote learning they set for themselves. Of course many other personal attacks like that I am the one who caused their colleague to die by motor accident when he was driving at a very high speed from Kaduna to meet the time of my lecture before I closed the door to late comers. What about a female student who had fallen sick and reported me to the authorities that I am responsible, because of my rule that weekly assignments must be done during the week.

These are examples of interruption in learner's everyday life but are expressed in negativity. In educational contexts, however, this kind of experience has productive meaning, such that the show of negativity does not necessarily refer to something unpleasant. As one educationist observes", in learning, one moves towards something unfamiliar, be it ability, an idea, a feeling, that one did not have before. It is in this precarious situation of dealing with the unfamiliar that negativity of experience arises.

This type of experience is a good indication of teaching as education. The negativity plays a constitutive role in the transformation of learners. Sometimes trying to test scientific theory. For example, those students referred above who rioted against me, and in order to justify their action said "I taught them in my class of Military and Politics, 'Military Theory of Amilca Cabral' and said we must practicalise the theory of Amilca Cabral on him".

The process of change in students also revealed positive characteristics. In a collapsed university education system in Nigeria this trend may be as a result of:

Public mode experience of students both within and outside the university environment.
Family orientation on value of education could also be a factor.
External connection and influences may not impact on their school life
There are students who come to universities to work and earn certificates. Contrary to others who come only to get certificate.

These and other factors may produce right and positive characteristics of changes in students as individuals undergoing self-transformation. These kind of students embrace ethical and moral values both in relationship with other students and with their teachers. They are usually very hard-working, never find them left behind in class work and are theoretically worthwhile in developing ideas to understand the world.

I have seen these perspectives very openly, sometimes confronting each other among all my students of the various levels, in the final session with each class, which I call "criticism-self-criticism" session. This session always becomes like "telling the truth" session but not for justice as there is no injustice – but for clarification about ideas. It becomes a discourse about content of the course, how does it help about understanding the world, the method of teaching and the relationships between students themselves and relationship between students and the teacher.

As in our practical discussion, in theoretical discourse the relationship between the teacher and the students becomes more prominent in assessing what changes one can see in students. On the one hand, to repeat what is said from the beginning the role of the teacher is to bring out ideas, may be from multidisciplinary perspective while at the same time places significant emphasis on liberal education to allow the students to revise them in understanding the world. On the other hand the students must work hard and work with others to reformulate ideas. As Karl Mark said "…the only royal road to science is hard work". But when you got the ideas, see through them with further insights so that the ideas continuously transformed your outlook, makes you become autonomous, but with sense of others and their respect from you.

In 2010/11 academic session our mission is "watch your transformation". What education is doing to change you? What changes? These you are going to observe and report. On another level we would periodically assess ourselves both collectively and individually.

M. M. Yusif

February, 2011

2011-03-14T05:11:00.001-07:00

Confronting corruption in public service: a case study of Public Health Delivery Service

M. M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano

Being a paper prepared for anticorruption sensitization conference to be held in AKTH conference Hall in Kano

November, 2010

Introduction

Corruption is a deadly cancer which if it is not removed would continuously deepen until it destroys the functions of a whole system thereby causing its disintegration.

Historians and other social scientists who observe and keep record of world events could recall that many years ago the Cuban communist party used the deep corruption of the society to mobilize and sustain support of the people of Cuba against Batista administration. Again, not quite long, in Kenya the dominant political alliance as KANU lost political control because of corruption which blocked any path of progress in Kenyan society.

In Nigeria, we are witnessing perhaps the only major achievement of democracy. This is that although corruption is fast "eating" and destroying every economic, political, and social light for the development of the country, but now there is a wider space, involving many people to discuss corruption and suggest how it could be eradicated. Once again, I think this is the greatest achievement of democracy in Nigeria.

Conceptualizing Corruption

In order to fight something you must know what it is, and what it involves. So, what is corruption? There is lack of common understanding of corruption which creates obstacles about containing corruption. In developing countries in particular, there is argument which shows that corruption is part of culture and it is used to promote development and also enhance administrative efficiency.

In Nigeria, the concept found expressions even in the local languages "Gaisuwa" in Hausa, "Egunje" in Igbo, all refer to gift to higher public officers to recognize the giver in distribution of public resources. What about distribution of public resources to friends, brothers, etc, even if these follow the procedures laid down to do the distribution? Is that not corruption?

From a more universal language it could be argued that corruption is the misuse of entrusted responsibilities for private benefit.

That is only a broad sense of corruption but there are different characteristics as there are different models and types of corruption. For the purpose of talking about corruption in public service, it would involve behavior on the part of any category of government workers, whether politicians or civil servants, in which they improperly and unlawfully enrich themselves or those close to them, or any behavior that discriminate the recipients of the services, for whatever reason, by the misuse of the power entrusted on those who deliver the services.

Corruption in the public service involves the activities of many individuals officers, clerks, messengers, etc who, in their positions as public workers or policy makers or as administrators control various activities or decisions.

Corruption is not merely and only giving and receiving bribes as is the common conception of the term in Nigeria. A former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo on the occasion of the formal signing into law of the corrupt practices and other related offences Act 2000 noted that "corruption covers such acts as;

Use of one's office for pecuniary advantage;
Gratification;
Influence peddling;
Insincerity in advice with the aim of gaining advantage;
Less than a full days work for a full day's pay;
Tardiness and slovenliness

Corruption is damaging to human progress and general development of society, because important decisions are determined by personal interest, with no feeling of the consequences for the wider society. Specifically, corruption;

Raises the cost of government contracts as well as of foods and services;
Subsequently, in order to gain personal benefits project choices are made more in capital than on manpower, which would be more useful for overall development of people;
Similarly, in a corrupt society, resources are directed to non-productive areas e.g. security to protect the corrupt officials
Thus, corruption rather than investment, becomes the major sources of financial gain.

All the above undermine the economy, bring decay and degeneration as well as lowering of standard in everything, causing decline of values, rise of crimes and ultimately lose of legitimacy of government.

As earlier alluded some writers spread ideas that corruption can have beneficial effects such as non-violent access to government affairs and administration or even as shock-absorber for turmoil of development in newly developing countries.

However, counter-arguments seem more verifiable as corruption brings political instability, kills institutions of democracy in governance, leads to economic inefficiency and waste and negative effect on the allocation of resources, on production and on consumption.

Further, the cost of corruption is always included in the price of the goods produced, hence demand tends to be reduced, and so the structure of production becomes biased and consumption falls below efficiency levels. Thus, corruption lowers the general welfare of the populace, increasing health hazards among the people.

Corruption in Public Health Sector

Initially the care of the sick has been the main task of medicine but today its scope is infinitely broaden, there are four major tasks of public health institutions. These are:

The promotion of health
The prevention of health
The restoration of the sick and
Rehabilitation of the patient

Accordingly, the conception of health in the constitution of World Health Organization embraces all the above constituent parts of health in its broader scope. Thus, "health is therefore defined as a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity".

In spite of inadequate health delivery network and services in Nigeria, the training of medical personnel, the provision of medical centers and the relative availability of medical resources, health was originally conceived as in the above definition.

However, as a result of deregulation of the economy in general and the health sector and services in particular, a new concept and new strategy of health and development has evolved. The characteristics of the new strategy in broad sense are:

Reduction of the role of government in health delivery services.
Marketised strategy of health care system.
Private sector-public health link.

Consequences for Health Sector and Health Delivery Service

Healthcare in most cases become marketised. This means that healthcare system is for sale. It is like saying health delivery services are for sale, just pay and got cured or treated.
Therefore, in public health sector, there came poorer medical services compared to private health sector, and so worsening health for those who cannot be able to pay as even in public health centers there are all kinds of charges to get medical attention. Then after one got the attention and the prescription, the drugs have to be purchased.
It is therefore cheaper for those who have money to get out of the country to pay and got medical care.
Unfortunately, various levels of government are not only paying but depositing millions of dollars in private hospitals in Europe and the middle-east for health care of government officials, their friends, families, etc.

There are three perspectives showing direction of corruption in delivery of health services with problems mentioned above.

One is private sector control as well as private-public sector nexus in health care delivery services. The national health insurance scheme revealed the fact that government is withdrawing from provision of health services and secondly is creating a link with private sector for the profitability of the private. One of the major angles of the modern economy is for Government or an official of Government to facilitate transfer of funds from any public agency to private. For whatever reason.
Second, there is increasing collapse of ethics in medical profession. One needs to visit only any public health center, to see how crowded it is to appreciate the pressures on the facilities and even on the medical personnel and the consultants. This would naturally create conditions not for good ethical relationship between medical personnel and the patients, between the medical personnel themselves, also between the personnel and the existing facilities and resources and generally with the society.
Mismanagement of resources. Corruption in the public services of Nigeria is first witnessed in mismanagement of available resources. The public health sector could hardly be exempted. If we do not have top level record of mismanagement of resources, we know that there is misuse of drugs, collapse of facilities, also lack of required medical instruments for efficient medical services, etc.

Confronting Corruption in Public Health Care System

There are many approaches, in containing corruption. In the Public Health Delivery Services in Nigeria, the following could be given a test.

Ethical approach
Regulation of private sector health care
Efficient management of resources
From the legal angle

The ethical approach begins with recognition that medicine is a profession and that like any profession there are ethics of medical profession. The essence of ethics, in a broad sense is "working properly" according to discipline of the profession. In this context, particularly in medical personnel-patient relationship.

However, misconduct is found not only because of corruption but also and above all, from inadequate facilities, availability of many patients that cannot be attended, lack of enough consultants and drugs, as well as marketisation of the available drugs, etc.

This will result in medical personnel faced with more than required number of patients to deal with. The outcome will be personal frustration and may be personal interest like sexuality, all sorts of bribes, etc got into the work.

In order to contain these ethical problems successfully, there is need of a complex relation between anticorruption agencies, medical council of Nigeria, medical associations and the patients with a legal cover to check these problems.

The second approach is regulation of private sector health care. Yes! Health care is a right. A responsibility of the state. The constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria 1999 provided in section 17 subsection 3 (c and d) that;

The health, safety and welfare of all persons in employment are safeguarded and not endangered or abused; and
There are adequate medical and health facilities for all persons;

However, deregulation of economy has also affected the health sector. The outcome is that:

The private health care sector is becoming larger and larger substituting the state sector.
State pays to the private sector for health care of individuals instead of equipping public health centers.
Medical consultants in public hospitals either have their private health delivery outfits or are also working in private medical centers.

These ultimately bring decay, degeneration and erosion of discipline leading to fraud and corruption.

The third approach is to ensure efficient management of resources. In the 'Law Books' and many administrative guidelines of conducting public affairs in Nigeria, there are rules and regulations as well as administrative procedures to do this but are deliberately set aside and nobody want enforce them. So, this should be enforced.

Fourthly, is protecting the public health sector by a special legal instrument and body exclusively for public health delivery services. A code of rules specifically targeted to employees of medical centers and other service providers designed to create practical rules which would ensure the observance of high ethical principles, ensure transparency in procurement and distribution of medical products as well as penalty for violation of the rules.

Development conscious state do not take health problem with reluctance. Because people who are the vital resource and agents of development must be healthy. There are examples of countries who have legal instrument to safeguard health institutions from corruption. In People Republic of China, any one who misappropriate or waste, for whatever reason, equivalence of fifty thousand naira the penalty is death. In Federal Republic of Germany, drawing from EU, has a special code of conduct in respect of procurement and distribution of medical products, with a view to protect health care system from corruption.

2011-03-14T05:10:00.003-07:00

CONCEPT OF A DRAMA ON CLIMATE CHANGE TO BE PERFORMED BY WTO MOCK SUMMIT STUDENTS – 2010 BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO – NIGERIA

_____________________________________________________________________

Development with noises and hazards. Both in towns and villages noises boom every where.

Some of these noises are unknown, unrecognized and unidentified. These are the ones from factories. We could see the others always with and around us as motor engines, and power generating machines.

In all, these noises are concealed with death traps and underdevelopment. Yes! Or do you not know that all these available engines are gas guzzling polluters?

The factory noises in the factory sites and of the motor engines every where on our roads as well as the power generating plants in our houses are accompanied by emissions of many levels of gaseous substances which contain verities of death chemicals.

They bring pollutions of many degrees and layers. From the ground through the space up to the unknown top.

Our environment is unconsciously been systematically destroyed. The soil, rivers and air are not spared. Even the natural stones change their nature.

Subsequently, the foods we eat become less nutritious and contain dangerous fossils fuels. The rivers life resources including all species of fish lost their natural being. The flow of rain is also affected. Natural birds are migrating to safer world. What about our water resources?

The World Trade Organization, which is the global trade monitor of a global trade, comes heavily with its international food safety measures to bar some of our water resources to get market in Europe and America.

That is a multinational corporate strategy. Our country is flooded with genetically – modified seeds and other bio-adjusted scientific measures to adapt to the changes in the soil, and the rivers.

Another corporate expectation is that these climate and environmental changes would in the next 20 years result in scarcity of natural pure water to the extent that water would become like oil for export and import to make profit.

Old and New diseases thriving everywhere because of the climate and environmental changes. What another source of big profit by big corporate interest?

They do not want pay compensation. They do not want miss their market. Capitalism is not a moral matter. For them the profit must continue. So, what is our solution? First, the Federal Government of Nigeria is hereby advised that it could protect Nigeria's environment by regulating the kind of factory machines, motor engines and power generating plants that come and are used in the country by application of the principles of the 1992 United Nations framework Convention on climate change and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.

Second, to develop and pursue independently, the science of climate change, including teaching and research programmes of the science in Nigeria's various tertiary institutions.

Third, to cultivate the culture in Nigerians both in towns and villages of a greenish environment.

M. M. YUSIF

13/09/2010

CLIMATE CHANGE GROUP OF THE WTO – MOCK SUMMIT 2010.

There is going to be a team of members of the club to discuss the concept paper of a drama on climate change to be performed during the mock summit 2010. The team is to come out with detail of the said concept paper-scene by scene on how it will be demonstrated as a theater work.

Members of this team are:

S/N	NAME	POSITION	DEPT.
1.	LAWI ISAH ABDULLAHI	Chairman	Bio. Sci.
2.	NAFIU OSAMA SHITU	Secretary	Mass Com.
3.	ABDUL-GANIYU RUFAI	Member	Agric. Dept.
4.	SURAJO Y. MUHHAMMAD	Member	Pol. Sci.
5.	OSAHON JUNIOR O.	Member	Pol. Sci.
6.	YAHAYA USMAN YAHAYA	Member	Pol. Sci.
7.	COLLINS Y. SAKWE	Member	Pol. Sci.
8.	MOHAMMED MURTKAR	Member	Computer Sci.
9.	MUSTAPHA T. M.	Member	English Dept.

The team is allowed to incorporate any other person who would be useful in giving drama perspective to the concept. However, the original concept which is about development and destruction of environment, showing the response of WTO and the challenges for Nigeria has remained the focus.

Date:…………………………………

Venue:………………………………

Time:………………………………..

M. M. Yusif

Director WTO Mock Summit

28/09/2010

2011-03-14T05:10:00.001-07:00

Boko Haram: A Theoretical and Historical Vision – Some Personal Notes

It seems to me that Boko Haram is an Urban or Semi-Urban Religious Movement which has built its political and ideological colouring from similar social forces of the past, especially from late 70s to 80s.

Yes! They use religion, but unlike the religious movements of the 19^th and early 20^th century, their vision is not to establish Islamic state.

Some observers like Mustapha Ismail of Department of Arabic, Bayero University, Kano noted that they are "masses" of the people and the middle class who are marginalized by SAP. This is too simplistic as membership of a group or a movement is not enough to reveal a political and or ideological character of a movement. May be as a starting point is to begin by asking what did their leaders say or have ever written about the objective of the movement? Other wise we could see them more or less as undefined and unspecified social group.

Although the mission of such a movement may be characterized even if there is no written programme, like the Taliban, but it would end being a politically confused movement. May be that is why this kind of movement in northern Nigeria – from those of the early 1980s in Kano, Maiduguri, Bauchi, Yola, and the similar ones of the current era of globalization including the Boko Haram are not clear about what they wanted to achieve. To say, without serious investigation, that they were fighting state is not acceptable. If yes, they must have alternative state. But do they really have a programme to implement in order to form an alternative state?

From Theoretical point of view some perspectives could be posed:

One is that neo-liberal globalization has made it that the enemy of the people becomes difficult to identify to fight it, so such movements end up raising issue of fight between and or among the people or merely promoting chaos and confusion.
Second, these movements become instruments pushed by the state to fight other fractions of the ruling – class.

These are for thoughts and must be acknowledged when used.

M. M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

18/11/010

2011-03-14T05:09:00.001-07:00

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO – NIGERIA

AN APPRAISAL

MAL. M. M YUSIF VERSUS 2008/09 POL. SCIENCE GRADUATES

The unanimous echo from this class is an expression of feeling good! It is a great day to celebrate. The day we eat, drink and rejoice to mark a fantastic departure. The day we are preparing the way to sitting prette in the host seat. Today, no more rascals.

Sir, the experience we gained in the course of our stay with you is a clear reflection of the popular saying that:

'He who laughs last laughs best'

It is a drastic transition from a conflictual, 'horrible, nasty and pessimistic relationship to a more 'Joyful; humorous; curious' and cordial rapport. Sir, the enthusiasm is generated from the fact that, despite the fact that we hated you as a horrendous patterned-note agitator before, today;

We hail you like our hero

We hug you like our Lover

We humour you like our master, and

We horse you like our pride.

Of course yes, You are absolutely all the above and we have to hail you, hug you, humour you and jolly with you.

Sir, it is now obvious that, you can feel it in your bones that through the moral and intellectual training you indulged us into, we the former indifferent, palatable and palpable pushovers have now palliated.

To face it critically, in spite of all these and more, if a stranger ask me 'who is M.M. Yusuf? I will say:

"He is a lecturer who accepts in public what he accepts in secret. A lecturer who looks at the lots of his students with the eyes of compatriots not with the eyes of the privileged few. Yes he is a lecturer with a vision. A lecturer who has fire in his belly but humanity in his heart. Fire in his belly because he takes unpleasant but necessary decision; and humanity in his heart because in taking such decision; and humanity in his heart in taking such decision, he tempers it with mercy. In fact, he is one of the renowned creative lecturers in the university and he is able to think even the unthinkable including the post post-modern era. Really, he is self-esteemed".

Sir, we are glad to let you know that portrait you until the end of our academic stay with you has been deeply stamped in our hearts and mind. We humbly request your pleasure to pardon the past, view us with sympathy and appreciation, record your experience about us with your blue not red biro. We are your successors. Sir, I am not hyperbolic to say that, with time, your name and/or those you train would be written in the World Book of Records. You deserve it.

To sum it up, we must pray extra hard for God to further longer your life to see your successors amongst us ripping what you sow. We also pray for God to Crown our efforts with successes and achievements. God bless BUK, God Bless you my colleagues.

Thank you Mallam

Written by

Aliyu Isa Idris

2011-03-14T05:08:00.001-07:00

A Note to a Conference on Pro-Democracy Struggle in Nigeria Held in Kano

The future relevance, reawakening and strength of the Left in Nigeria lies on an effective, total and uncompromising resistance against neo-Liberalism. Yes! There is Good Governance approach against it but that does not go beyond it.

A critical reflection of continental differences and perspectives would reveal that Latin America Left uses the Civil Society method of struggle to re-build the Left and revive revolutionary movements and evolved new strategy against Neo-liberalism. In Asia nationalist capitalist agenda remains the alternative, restraining excesses of neo-liberal globalization, both by Nationalist elites and the civil society groups. But in Africa generally and Nigeria in particular, opposition against Neo-Liberalism is merely within the context of neo-liberalism. Therefore, we are still not searching for alternative.

M. M. Yusif

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano – Nigeria

26/11/2010

PROGRAMME OF MINI MINISTERIAL WTO MOCK SUMMIT NOVEMBER, 2010

2010-11-01T04:32:00.001-07:00

WTO MOCK SUMMIT GROUP BAYERO UNIVERSITY KANO

PROGRAMME OF MINI MINISTERIAL WTO MOCK SUMMIT NOVEMBER, 2010

THE WTO DOHA GROUND, THE CURRENT ECONOMIC CRISIS AND PROBLEMS FOR MULTI-LATERAL TRADING SYSTEM: WHICH WAY FORWARD

Introduction

The crisis of the WTO multilateral trading system persists. It reached an unbreakable deadlock that the end of it is very difficult to say. The outcome is unpredictable.

The current economic crisis has fueled the tensions, disagreements and uncertainties between and among the various groups under the WTO regime.

Yes! The Doha Development Agenda is a road map which would give some benefits to all participants. However, some groups may have other options which made it difficult to move forward.

The 2010 Mock Summit which will hold in November is planned to bring together countries representing diverse group interests as Mini Ministerial Summit to continue with the discussions of the issues with a view to break the stalemate for a full Ministerial Conference of another Round of Negotiations to carry on.

As you are aware the secretariat of the WTO is in Geneva. The administrative bodies include the General Council which is burdened with the responsibilities of day-to-day policy elaboration about the mandate of the Great Organization.

Accordingly the Mini Ministerial Mock Summit will hold in Mock Geneva Organized by the General Council. The General Council has a Chairman and other members all working together with office of the Director General of the WTO.

The Mock Summit has a topic as "The WTO Doha Round, the current Multilateral Trading System: which way forward".

However, it is not going to be like a symposium, a workshop or round table discussion. It is going to be as we played the mock summit last years. The only differences are:

Now there is a topic to give essence of what we are going to do.
That the present mock summit is not going to be hosted by any member country, but by the Secretariat of the WTO.
Therefore, the Chairman of the summit is not the Minister of trade of any country, but of the General Council.
There are no many ministerial delegates as this summit is of special interest groups under the WTO regime.
Lastly, the format of submissions of the issues both by members of the general Council and Ministerial delegates will be in form of recommendations. But still after recommendations by the delegates, there will be another stage of agreements and disagreements between them.

MEMBERS OF GENERAL COUNCIL HEADING VARIOUS COMMISSIONS AND PANELS OF THE WTO

CHAIRMAN - LAWI ISA ABDULLAH (Dept. of Biological Sciences)
DIRECTOR GENERAL - SURAJO Y. MUHAMMED (Dept. of Political Science)
TRIPS AND PUBLIC HEALTH - AMINU SALISU (Dept. of Political Science)
NAMA - ALIYU SHEME (Dept. of Political Science)
COTTON INITIATIVE - SULE SULEIMAN (Dept. of Political Science)
SERVICES: WATER RESOURCES - ABUBAKAR SALIHU (Dept. of Political Science)
FISH AND FISHERY IN GLOBAL TRADE - MAIMUNA YAKUBU K/MATA (Dept. of Political Science)
ENVIRONMENTAL - JAMILU ABDUSSALAM (Dept. of Political Science)
TRADE FACILITATION - COLLINS Y. SAKWE (Dept. of Political Science)
RULES GOVERNING TRADE - ISA MOHD (Dept. of Political Science)
TRADE AND DEVT - NAZIRU HALLIRU (Dept. of Econs.)
SPECIAL AND DIFF. TREATMENT - ISMAIL HAYATU (Dept. of Econs.)
DISPUTE SETTLEMENT - SHAMSUDDEEN MUSA (Dept. of Pol.Sci.)
REFORM OF THE WTO - DINA RASHEED (Dept of Pol. Sci.)

TRADE DELGATES FROM MEMBER COUNTRIES

U.S.A. BASIRU MUSA (Dept. of Political Science)

EUROPEAN UNION ABDULGANIYU R. Y. (Dept. of Agric.)

CANADA MANSUR ABDULLAHI (Dept. of Political Science)

JAPAN MOHAMMED ISMAIL (Dept. of Political Science)

CHINA BINTA MUHAMMED KURMAWA (Dept. of Political Science)

INDIA MARYAM SUNUSI SANI (Dept. of Political Science)

BRAZIL ADAMU ADAMU ALHASSAN (Dept. of Political Science)

SOUTH AFRICA MOHAMMED YUSUF (Dept. of Political Science)

MALAYSIA SALIM BALA MOHAMMED (Dept. of Political Science)

NIGER REPUBLIC MUSTAPHA T. MUHIYIDDEEN (Dept. of Eng. & European Lang)

VENEZUELA USMAN YAHAYA (Dept. of Political Science)

CUBA AREMU LATEEF (Dept. of Political Science)

NIGERIA FATE BUKAR FATE (Dept. of Political Science)

ARGENTINA HAMZA D. JIBRIL (Dept. of Political Science)

MALAYSIA MARYAM SULEMAN YAKUB (Dept. of Political Science)

AUSTRALIA ABDULLAHI SALIHU IBRAHIM (Dept. of Computer Science)

RUSSIA BASHIR MOHAMMED (Dept. of Sociology)

NEW ZEALAND AUWAL ABDULLAHI DANBATTA (Dept. of Political Science)

SOUTH KOREA KABIRU BASIRU (Dept. of Political Science)

GREECE JOY NZOVIWU (Dept. of Political Science)

KENYA ABDUSSALAM RILWAN (Dept. of Political Science)

OBSERVERS

WORLD BANK - HAJARA ABDULKADIR (Dept. of Political Science)
I. M. F. - ISYAK USMAN (Dept. of Business Admin.)
U. N. - IBRAHIM ISMAIL (Dept. of Political Science)

RESERVE LIST

IBRAHIM ALHASSAN
BASIRU NURUDDEEN
AMINU BELLO
NAZIRU USMAN BABA KOKI
BARIRATU ALIYU HAYATU
ELVIS OLUSHOLA
KINGSLEY O.
KABIRU ALI SULEIMAN

MEDIA CREW

SIDDIQUE TANIMUDDARI (EX STUDENT POL. SCI
ISHAK ISA ALKASSIM (Dept. of Mass Communications)
GARZALI YAKUBU (FREEDOM RADIO)
HALIMA IBRAHIM (Dept. of Political Science)
ZAINAB SALEH (Dept. of Political Science)
BASIRAT ABDULWAHAB (Dept. of Mass Communications)
ABUBAKAR IDRIS USMAN (Dept. of Mass Communications)
HABU ABUBAKAR (Dept. of Mass Communications)
HAIRA SURAJO MOHAMMED
AISHA OTARU (Dept. of Lib. Science)
MARYAM SULE (Dept. of Mass Communications)
ESTHER YAKUBU
JOY MICHEAL (Dept. of Sociology)
ZAINAB DAUDA (Dept. of Mass Communications)
ZUBAIRU SANI (Dept. of Mass Communications)

SECURITY

AHMED GOMA (To lead the team)
ABUBAKAR SANI TAMBAI
MUHAMMAD YAHAYA MUHAMMAD
HUSSAINI UMAR MAKWAI

HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS

MURTALA GAMBO
PATRICIA ILEWU (Dept. of Political Science)
NURADDEEN MOHAMMED (Dept. of Political Science)
ABDULLAHI MUSA

M. M. Yusif

Director WTO Mock Summit

Bayero University, Kano

Kano - Nigeria

The Buhari Project Nigeria”: A View from Pro-Democracy Activist

2010-11-01T04:31:00.001-07:00

"The Buhari Project Nigeria": A View from Pro-Democracy Activist

In spite of so many position papers on political and economic development in Nigeria there is no serious nation-wide debate on any blueprint on whether it provides an alternative economic and democracy development. And I could say without fear of ignorance that there is just as clearly no single programme or design, except perhaps for struggle for political and civil rights, by pro-democracy movements, to break from the prison of economic and political neo-liberalism.

From the outset of the struggle for democracy, various groups have courageously struggled and in the end we got the democracy. Unfortunately, global forces smartly intervened with all their institutions which have reduced the democracy to "low intensity" democracy.

Other groups from the ruling class perspective, in order to capture power claimed to have articulated alternative economic and political programme for development of Nigeria.

That is the case with "Buhari project – Nigeria". The history of General Buhari in Nigeria's political history is not new. From the onset of his political adventure, he had never identified with working-class course, not generally speaking with peoples agenda. But of a National capitalist orientation.

How is his earlier vision going to fit into the current neo-liberal agenda? Is the "Buhari project-Nigeria" contains the miracles that would give Nigerians the democracy and the economic development beyond the value of neo-liberalism? Why is it the democracy groups and mass organizations have not even identified the "Buhari project-Nigeria" to follow and use to advance their mission for democracy in Nigeria?

Is it for ideological reasons that the democracy groups have ignored partnership around "Buhari project-Nigeria"? Oh! Have we lost our theoretical roots? Neo-liberal globalization has narrowed the space of democracy and democracy struggle. The forces are very strong and complex. In order to widen the scope and expand the space for democracy struggles a non-traditional approach even if it is going to involve political risks may not be avoided.

That is why struggle for democracy in a neo-liberal society may be adventurous. In a political parlance, at least anarchistic. The experience is a good example. In spite of all the strategic limitations of that experiment, the pro-democracy groups in Latin America have moved chavismo tendency to a political and economic logic of resistance against neo-liberalism.

Otherwise, what kind of democracy in a neo-liberal society if the market system is not opposed? What about adding another logic or round on the Leninist tradition, first against neo-liberalism, second a popular or any other democracy which contains original substance of liberal democracy, and finally any other economic structure not of neo-liberal type. Yes! market economic system played a historical progressive role in the death of feudalism, development of capitalism and the formation of a working-class as a strong force which allied with the emerging merchants who metamorphose into the capitalist class to push for development of fine ideas and practice of democracy which propels the self-development and creativity of individuals as well as of the society as a whole.

Is the market of today doing the same thing? No! As Robert Reich (2008) said, it has only succeeded in producing "super capitalism" which crashes democracy in order to allow "Big Business" to thrive.

The purpose of this paper is to make an assessment of the "Buhari Project-Nigeria", from a pro-democracy activist point of view. The structure of the paper will contain a theoretical context, the background of Buhari political tendency, the programme and assessment of its limitations as well as going beyond it from a pro-democracy perspective.

M. M. Yusuf

Department of Political Science

Bayero University, Kano