MA'AZU MOHAMMED YUSIF
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
Introduction
What lessons have we documented and subjected to critical analysis about left politics in Nigeria since colonial period? A comprehensive history showing the diverse and sectarian tendencies of the left formations and their politics is yet to be placed for serious discourse by academics on Nigeria's politics, economy and society.
A series of workshops on social movements in Nigeria, by former activists have not generated debates and responses from outside that small circle. Also, the February, 2003 Third All-Nigeria Socialist Conference. Of course, a thorough scrutiny will reveal diverse programmes and strategies, many uncoordinated political activities on the same issues, including in participation in bourgeoisie electoral process.
A very serious limitation which any casual observer of the documents of this history since colonial period will note is that in Nigeria there has not been a lasting unity which keeps these political parties or movements together for long.
This constriction does not mean there had never been broad-based consultative alliances on pressing political problems. But these had never succeeded in solidifying and cementing a tradition of cooperation to achieve a common goal.
On electoral competition the numerous radical groups would not agree to join their agenda against their common enemy. These groups have found their differences from tradition of Marxian thinking on transition to socialism in developing societies. Some, especially the smaller ones insisted that there is no peaceful way against the ruling-class. In consideration of Lenins debate with Kautsky they think that democracy is a class phenomenon so electoral competition is a bourgeoisie democracy, deviced by the bourgeoisie to remain in control (Lenin, 1977: 36). Others might seem working on Marx's declaration at the Hague conference of the First International where he noted that in some countries where there is a strong representative institution, the working-class could achieve their ends by peaceful means (Marx, K. 1976: 293).
The purpose of this paper is to put forward the idea that left formations and or individuals known as part of one of these formations also took the option of promoting working-class politics through electoral competition. This requires asking another question. That is, what does that bring for build up of the working-class politics in Nigeria? Again, if there are limitations what could be done?
From what theoretical perspective
The radical left is seen as a collection of socialist parties or movements, social democratic and populist parties, or of individuals who are patriotic and nationalist popularly identified with the interest of the working-class or nationalist project, generally defined by the common characteristics of nationalism, anti-imperialism and socialism. In view of radical academic contributions on political and economic changes in Nigeria, the orientation and mission of the Radical left is to mobilise resources to defend the interest of the common man, the working-class and petty owners against colonial and neo-colonial domination and ultimately for socialism (Yusuf, B.U.: 1979; Ola O. and Onimode, B.: 1975: Ehiedu E. G. I.: 1996).
With regard to politics of the Radical Left this paper attempts to apply and develop Gramsci's conceptualisation of state and working-class politics. In Marxian tradition modern capitalist state is a class plot. Built on the same principle Gramsci's Praxis shows that the state is a class institution which establishes control and hegemony over the people by political, ideological and other means to get their obedience (Gramsci, A. 1971:258).
There are many views of what Gramsci meant by the state.
State as a class instrument
State as a primary instrument for the expansion of dominant class power.
State is a political machine to keep the subordinate groups weak and disorganised.
State encompasses civil society, each pulling the other to be in control (Gramsci, A. 1971268).
The importance of state for Gramsci is rooted in politics. In this the state is an extension of the hegemonic apparatus of the ruling-class to perpetuate and expand its control of society in the context of class struggle. Hegemony in the more generic sense meant by Gramsci is the way in which a ruling group establishes and maintains its rule (Gramsci, 1971:267). This comes by consent, or by cultural and intellectual as well as political leadership achieved by a particular class, class fraction, stratum or social group as part of a larger project of class rule or domination (Ibid: 268).
Seen this way, hegemony involves attempts of the dominant class to use its moral, social, political and intellectual leadership to establish its view of the whole as all-inclusive and universal (Carnoy, M. 1984:70). This is not by use of only violence or the coercive power of the state apparatus, but in the acceptance by the dominated of a "conception of the world", which belongs to the dominant class (Fiori; 1970: 238).
Thus, working-class politics is naturally counter-hegemonic. How do the changes come? How do the dominated classes overcome the hegemony of the dominant classes? For Marx and Lenin (Lenin, 1976: 242), the state is the coercive arm of the dominant class, from Gramsci the state is also an instrument of the dominant class ideology, of the legitimation of the social need of the ruling-class. Thus, Gramsci would reason that the working-class could use every non-violent resource including the bourgeoisie way in order to counter the hegemony of the state.
Perhaps the "Left" formations are very weak with many sectarian divisions that it cannot control society; not capable of establishing an alternative proletarian hegemony. Hence, the dominant class has to be approached in electoral contest.
It is in accordance with these positions that the argument goes that the "Left" in Nigeria could use electoral competition to defend the course of the working-class. This would probably mean the surrounding of the state apparatus with a counter hegemony by developing working-class institutions and culture, norms and values of the working-class. These, working side by side with dominant class culture confronting the hegemony of the ruling-class. Gramsci called this a "war of position". (Carnoy, Op. cit:72).
The Emergence of Left Parties/Moverments
Between the world wars, communism was virtually unknown in Nigeria, and conditions were not favourable to its growth. Both objective and subjective conditions did not mature. However, by late 1930's, boiling of a general political awakening were observed due to rising climate of war, rise of nationalism and most of all pro-soviet propaganda created an interest in communism in Nigeria (KOP, ND:8).
In 1945 Bankole Timothy, the president of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria visited the United Kingdom and while there made contacts with British communist party, other socialist groups, and opened channels of communication – exchange of information, books and pamphlets, etc between Nigeria and those groups in Europe. When the T.U.C. affiliated itself to the World Federation of Trade Unions, communist dominated labour organisations in Eastern Europe and ideas on communism became widely spread in Nigeria (Ibid).
This development received internal push by growth of workers and their Labour organisations. The "nationalist press of Dr. Azikiwe and even the University College, Ibadan became centres of propagation of communist ideas in Nigeria (Ibid).
The first and most important movement during this early history of formation of socialist organisations or movements was called the "League". The building and strengthening of the movement had been in the hands of what might be called the field workers, men of very moderate educational attainments. Although, the movement was called the "League", but it was a party and communist in its ideology. In a circular from the office of the Assistant Commissioner of Police Kano, it was called Communist Party of Nigeria (Ibid.).
From the colonial period through the end of the first Republic many worker-oriented and socialist political groups including United Working Proples Party which was the left arm of the Action Group, Socialist Workers and Farmers Party founded by Tunji Otegbeye, Nigerian Labour party set up by Eskor Toyo and Imoudo, etc. had formed.
In the 1970s through the mid-80s Nigeria experienced rapid development with nationalist-oriented economic development. The military regimes of General Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari Policies on industrialisation and agricultural development were to reduce control by foreign capital. Large-scale farming and industrial projects which produced mass agrarian and industrial workers. Other sectors of the economy experienced similar boom. The universities multiplied many times. (Kirk-Greene A. and Rimmer D. 1981, Tom, F. 1993)
However, the Nigerian economy, then as now, is being controlled by multinational corporate enterprises. The indigenisation policy started under Gowon did not change the balance. The Federal Government of Nigeria depended on revenues from the oil foreign companies who exported Nigeria's petroleum resources. (Ibid.).
The expanding middle class categories were facing the risk of lack of political freedom to push their agenda. Industrial relations shifted from liberal to corporatist system. Whereas, students had become strong political force, the bargaining space .remained tight. The military Governments did not want make compromise.
For these and many other reasons, the answer was underground left formations and or Movements Scattered every where across the country, especially in the University, Urban poor communities, theatre groups in the urban centres, rural co-operative societies, etc. There were so many to be accurately counted. In any way, they have underground names such as "the Iron-grinders"; "the socialist forum"; the parrots; etc.
There were stronger political groups with working class and socialist orientation across the country. They were big political groups because they were political parties and or Movements with widespread network, and their influences reached many states in the federation. Secondly, some of them were afflicted with International Communist Organisations like the "Third International". Thirdly, one of them had a branch in London, with a publication of a magazine which was distributed in Nigeria by a name "Workers Party of Nigeria". These socialist formations although they were operating underground were identified as:
The Socialist Workers Party
The Socialist Workers and Peoples Party
The Labour Militant
The Socialist Congress of Nigeria
The Mass Line
The Left formations remained very active and militant during the early period of transition to the economy of Structural Adjustment Programme. They had directed and or inflenced the three phases – 1986; 1989; 1992; - of anti-SAP riots in Nigeria. Also many other anti-SAP actions by students and workers. The experience of "campaign for Democracy" against military dictatorship had perhaps caused exhaustion and forced them to reconsider their tactics. They continue to exist but they are in disarray (Yusif, M. M. 2010).
Alternative platforms are various types of non-governmental organisations and the existing "Right-wing" Political Parties. Subsequently, may be as a tactical manoeuvre there is no longer acceptance of socialism as an ideology in interpretation of reality. So there is no analysis of social, political and economic phenomena based on class struggle or the class character of the state and the need for socialist order.
Left Parties and Electoral Competition
Between 1960 to date Nigeria experienced eight different General Elections viz. 1964; 1979; 1983; 1993; 1999; 2003; 2007; and 2011. The Nigerian state has been a subject of fierce contestation between different factions of the ruling-class and sometimes other groups with alternative programmes.
The existence of "radical" parties or groups either with social democratic or socialist visions have always been important in the history of elections in Nigeria. But a single most important point is that inspite of the adoption of International Communist Movement strategy of a broad-based popular fronts to bring all supporters of democracy together, by some of these socialist groups as noted above, there has not been a lasting unity which keeps these movements or political parties to achieve and retain a single political programme until it is no longer politically wise to remain together.
However, one cannot approach the history of Left formations in Nigeria without referring to their relationships through consultative meetings and alliances as well as broad-based and popular fronts to achieve a minimum political goal. But these had never succeeded in solidifying a tradition of cooperation to achieve a long-term common objective.
On electoral competition the numerous radical groups would not agree to join their agenda against their common enemy like the "popular front" which turned as "popular unity" in Chile in early 1970s. It is not surprising as these parties and movements have diverse programmes and manifestoes which though have captured the roots of the social, political and economic problems of Nigeria but have different strategies and tactics to tackle these problems.
We can now perhaps suggest that these Left formations are all communist oriented and tend to follow three basic models. One is typified by the iron-grinders in Ilorin, and of course many such smaller movements in some university campuses. It is the model which there is no any suitable tendency to capture their strategy, except simply to characterise them as anarcho-syndicalists. This did not become an independent movement in Nigeria but they could be associated with it by their radical exuberance, by tactical measures of only use of force and violence to attain a goal. In this case there should be no business to do with state and ruling class by electoral competition. Only to destroy them. The second model is exemplified by the Moscow-oriented Socialist Workers Party (also called Socialist Party of Workers, Farmers and Youth) based in Ibadan, with network in Kano, Lagos and many other cities in Nigeria. This party eschewed violence and accepted mobilisation of the Nigerian people to establish Peoples Democratic State under the leadership of the working class. It did not come out openly against front building or for broad-based alliance, but insisted on state power supervised by the people. The party did not seem to oppose electoral competition as its activists stated that "the working people must insist on electing people among themselves to represent them in all organs of state power" (Ola, O. and Bade, O. 1975:227). In the Third model, characterised by an organisational and ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism is found the socialist congress of Nigeria and the Mass Line. According to these Movements, the ultimate goal is to liberate Nigeria from imperialist domination to be followed by socialist revolution and that these could be pursued by every possible means as determined by balance of class forces, including transforming into a socialist party to contest elections.
There were two particularly noteworth tendencies of radical politics which may be separated from the above three models. One of these was the position of Socialist workers and peoples party (S.W.P.P) with Chinese-oriented communism it claimed "an opposition against capitalism and in defence of the interests of the working people". (Fatogun, 1983:71). The S.W.P.P reasoned that differences should not be magnified out of proportion if is to defend the interest of the masses (Ibid: 71). The party urged for defence of the land and the peasantry, of labour against capital and of democracy (Ibid: 71). This could be started by forming a united front of the Left Forces as well as Democratic Forces including mass organisations and even ruling-class political parties that cherish democracy. The party called the United People's Party (UNP) of late Obafemi Awolowo and Peoples' Redemption Party (P.R.P) of late Malam Aminu Kano to join in a front to achieve the said defined objective of the party. Secondly, was the Bala Mohammed Memorial Committee (B.M.M.C). The B.M.M.C was never a political party, but of course a movement, which did not claim socialism, but with a nationalist thinking and programme to change the economy of Nigeria from dependency on multinational corporations and their local lackeys. The B.M.M.C. had no any illusion to bring any change by any means other than by election.
Thus, all the major socialist parties and the B.M.M.C. accepted both in principle and by action either directly or indirectly electoral competition to control state power or cause challenge to the ruling class.
What political influence these parties have had in bourgeoisie electoral contest for power and in defence of workers interest is not clear. Their winning of election in various parliamentary seats contested is not encouraging. The Socialist workers and farmers party for example was contesting every election up to the general election of 1979 but was not able to won any parliamentary seat talkless of threatening the power of the state. In 1964 elections it obtained only 2,206 out of 1,848,270 votes cast in December, 1964 (Cohen, R. 1974: 175). Similarly, the Nigerian Labour Party which fielded Imoudu to contest Lagos North had to boycott distorted results in the 1964 polls (Ibid: 175). What about the Left in the PRP in 1979-1983 party politics? The party had indeed combined the political skills and connections of all forces in Nigeria and strategic manoeuvre of the Left in particular, to had won Governorship seat of Kano and Kaduna States and many seats in both National and some state Assemblies, but petty bourgeoisie squabbles and the threats to marginalise the Left political forces had resulted in factions which killed the capacity of radical groups to pose any serious threat to the power and interest of the ruling-class (Bako, S. 1983). The factionalisation and crisis in the PRP in which one faction had entered into alliance by signing a pact with the dominant political party i.e. National Party of Nigeria (NPN) revealed this fear and the differences in P.R.P.
Inspite of everything all the Left groups in different party formations set aside their differences and struggled against the incursion of neo-liberal economy through SAP. The three major anti-SAP riots united them in planning and mobilisation for action. Moreover, the economic and political aspects of Nigeria took a different form when neo-liberal forces overpowered the radical groups and other nationalist interest, to consolidate Structural Adjustment Programme.
The politics of the groups fizzed out and individuals without any group support turned for electoral contest when democratic opening was won against the military dictatorship. The rules of the competition became difficult without united agenda, so many of them joined forces to form another Nigeria Labour Party and some other smaller political party organisations like Nigeria Liberation Party, Social Democratic Party, etc. There was strong indication of the emergence of counter hegemony when the Federal Government of Nigeria accused all the new parties of "extremism" and dissolved all of them and formed Government Sponsored National Republican Convention and Social Democratic Party. In order to capture and neutralise the ideological fire of both the Rights and the lefts, the federal Government of Nigeria called these parties a "little to the right" and a "little to the left" respectively.
The strategy for power struggle involved different positions. The more revolutionary radical groups regarded the SDP as a bourgeoisie reformist calculation. Others formed popular Democratic Alliances and joined the SDP in blocs. Despite working in the SDP it was not clear neither any record is kept as to what revolutionary dynamic was intended to produce and or reproduced. The only thing we could see was that when the June 12, 1993 election was annulled as the SDP presidential candidate was winning the election, these groups in the SDP and others who did not join the SDP ignored their differences and campaigned tirelessly against the annulment.
As events unfolded after annulment of June 12 elections, inspite of the divisions and contradictions within the Nigerian ruling classes, the state played off and disorganised the radical groups, such that by the time the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All-Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and the rest of them were formed, the Left had not collectively joined or formed any party to contest elections. Except those who joined them on individual capacity.
From "practical politics" point of view, then, it looks that there is one problem of the Left in the politics of Nigeria today. That is that neo-liberalism has produced democracy with empowerment of the civil society, seized by the left to play their politics there, and so the neo-liberal order must not be opposed from outside neo-liberal conception of the development of human society.
The Crisis of Left Electoral Politics
The roots of the Left in electoral contest with ruling-class political parties go back to colonial period when in 1948 Imoudu, Coker and other radicals in the Nigeria Trade Union Movement decided to set up Labour party to win electoral support (Cohen, R. 1975:174). From then, both electoral mobilisation and successes of the left politics continues to grow at decreasing rate.
In general, what one may observe today is a total decline of the Radical left below what it were before. It is unable to profit from the new political space by capitalising on anti-neoliberalism, even if is within the framework of neo-liberal agenda. From theoretical angle and the available diverse practices of Asian and Latin American countries, neo-liberal globalisation has two faces – one built on free market fundamentalism and the other on managed free market system (Stiglitz 2006:3). A Left project and political responses pushing for social market system may continue to mobilise the people, and reproduce the left and new dimensions, orientation, agenda, and organisation of left politics.
Therefore, a fundamental question to raise is whether the "Left" participation in bourgeoisie electoral machinery promotes working class agenda. The fact is that the history of Nigeria's Trade Union Movement had shown the influences of Left organisation in working class actions. But what is really happening today? Is it to say, from theoretical perspective that the politics of workers have come to an end as is now the claim among pro-globalist theories? (Bruce, E. K. 2004). It seems that in Nigeria that working-class politics has not disappeared. A new politics of industrial relations is evolved by the Nigeria Labour Congress through alliance of labour and civil society organisations. However, for a long-term and maximum benefits of the workers, the strategy of alliance politics in Nigeria must be critically re-examined.
Accepting the importance of electoral process as part of the strategy of creating condition of counter hegemony means that the Left if at all it is to remain alive must organisationally regain more support and even notoriety to contest for power with other electoral forces.
Furthermore, if the Left would have to remain in existence as an organised political force, it is imperative to review their ideological and political position, in view of very powerful coalition of neo-liberal forces, so that they can clearly redefine what is to be achieved, the limits and the choices, instead of individuals sticking to ideology of communism and or getting into parliaments and become more important than the party or the movement, or even more important than the workers and the people.
It needs pointing out again that in a country of violent ethnic sentiment in political relationships, what would "The Left" do? First, whatever would be the case, "The Left" must build opposite strategy, not the usual saying and practice of lets do what they are doing better in order to defeat them. Secondly, in Nigeria of the fourth republic, political parties are like cartels. What kind of party organisation are the left going to run? The same kind of businessmen/politicians type of political parties? As a reminder, Gramsci once noted that "there are periods of history in which social classes become detached from their political parties; the class no longer recognises the men who lead the parties as its expression" (Gramsci, A. 1971:211). From the time of National Republican Convention (NRC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) to present set of political parties i.e. PDP, ANPP and others the observation made by Gramsci seems to characterise political parties in Nigeria. A big challenge against politics of the ruling-class is to form "New Political Parties to contest against the parties of the ruling-classes. Or would the left parties be frightened by rules, regulations and conditions of registration of political parties? This would not have mattered so much as building counter-hegemony is a process of series of counter tactics against state power to weaken its capacity to govern.
Conclusion
There are endless necessary conditions to bring out and structure the "left" into electoral politics, but it will be difficult to draw definitive conclusions about when the overall impact of the electoral game will show positive. It may take long-time. It may be temporary as seen by the failure of the experiment of Chile in 1973.
It may be possible to achieve something significant if properly thought out and managed within the organisational thinking of the parties, or the groups directly or indirectly contesting elections.
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