TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA:
LESSONS FROM UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Discussion paper in a public lecture for students on exchange programme from University of Illinois United States of America
By
Ma’azu Mohammed Yusif
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
March, 1990
Introduction
The current trend towards the democratisation of political regimes in Africa is creating openings which inspite of everything, may result in economic and political changes which will empower and strengthen the capacities of the lower classes. In all cases, the tendency has been forced upon the dominant power bloc. In Nigeria, during the regime of Major General (rt.) Muhammadu Buhari the call for democracy and for democratic rights prevented the full implementation of IMF/World Bank Economic and political programmes, which the people rightly perceived as an agenda against the majority people of Nigeria. The present administration of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida came on that ticket.
However, does Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida sustain the democratic aspirations of the people. The fact is that the democratic opinions and pressures of the people under the regime of Babangida is seized and control by IMF/World Bank, giant multinational corporations and their domestic allies in Nigeria. Theoretically, this democratic trend is connected with development of market forces which is intended to liberalise social, political and economic lives to give superiority to private property.
The central political principle and engineering of market forces is undermined by the government of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Two-party system is decreed by the government. The parties are formed by the government which has written their constitutions, manifestoes and programmes. Some people are denied to be members of the parties. The National Assembly can legislate only on some largely unimportant matters. In short, a lot of other restrictions are imposed by the transition programme.
Those who have been assessing the programme, even in the perspective of any choice of any scientific theory uphold that the transition programme is no democratic. What are the possibilities of drawing some lessons from United States of America. However, before referring to lessons from the democratic tradition of United States of America, we can posed the question what is this American democratic tradition.
The Tradition of American Democracy
The tradition of American democracy can best be understood in the framework of Liberal democratic theory. The concept of democracy is used here to mean “competition among individuals and organised groups (especially political parties) for all effective positions of government power, at regular intervals and excluding the use of force; a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies, at least through regular and fair elections, such that no major social group is excluded; and a level of civil and political liberties – freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and join organisations – sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation1. The above are components of ideal liberal democracy
The development of democracy in United States of America is not decreed by government. The development of American democracy has not been that very simple and given from the top. It has gone through two transitional processes. First is the struggles of democratic forces which were mainly directed against pre-capitalist formations and national liberation from foreign control of America’s economy. This phase came with restrictions on political freedoms of the people. Therefore, the second stage which is a popular mass movement of the people, still under the leadership of the bourgeoisie, which shaped the present liberal democratic practices.
Lessons from United States of America
The first lesson that could be learnt from the democratic tradition of United States of America is that all tendencies of democratic forces should consolidate formidable mass movement which has to engage the state in order to effect changes towards ‘true democratisation’ of Nigeria. Our colleagues from Illinois may indeed inform us on the history that the present tradition of American democracy, with its most refined liberal contents, emerged on course of mass movements for democracy which both Jefferson and Lincoln participated to perfect the development of Liberal Economy and Politics.
The second lesson to be learnt from United States democratic tradition is that there is no need to ban some citizens from participating in the democratic process and not to project radicals as ‘extremists’ who could not be tolerated in the democratic process. George Novack cited C. Wright Mills saying that: “… the power elite of the United States has not needed to create any special conservative ideology to sanction its domination. Its defenders have continued to use the liberal rhetoric which is the common denominator of all proper and successful spokesmanship…”. They have not had to confront any opposition based upon ideas which stand in challenging contrast to the liberal rhetoric which they employ as standard public relations2. Or is it that the Nigeria’s ruling-class lacks any sophistication of liberal democracy.
The third lesson to be learnt from the liberal democratic experience of United States of America is that the party system is not to be imposed by decree and the political parties are not to be formed by government for people to join. In United States of America the two dominant parties – the Democrats and the Republican emerged as the dominant electoral political groups over long period of time. The parties, in their origin, were not floated by the government of United States of America, but owed much to the earlier ideological cleavages among various political and business interest groups of Southern and Northern United States of America. But adherence to liberal political practices has reduced the cleavages between the parties to the extent that there is a temptation in the United States of America to say that there is no difference between the Democrats and the Republicans. In Nigeria, people say there is no real difference between the National Republican Convention and the Social Democratic Party, because it is the same government, people do not like which has drafted the constitutions, programmes and manifestoes of the parties.
The fourth lesson that could be learnt from the democratic experience of United States of America is that of freedom of speech and freedom of Association. These are the most important grounds of any democratic process. In United States of America, freedom of speech and freedom of association are not restricted by law. They are allowed to guide the choice of the citizens within the framework and rules of the tradition of American democracy. But in the on-going democratisation (sic) in Nigeria, freedom of speech and freedom of association are not guaranteed. The transition to Civil Rule (political parties registration and activities). Decreed No. 27 of 1989 recognised only the two parties formed by government and forbids any group of people to join any of the parties under the name of any Association. People who speak against the transition process are called subversives and can be convicted under the provisions of another decree. What name can we give this type of democracy?
The Limits of American Democracy: What Lesson for Nigeria
America’s democracy has its own abuses. The major one is that it is democracy based on capitalism. Only the rich are in the mainstream of power and decision making. In view of this, the question is posed: what relevant lessons Nigeria’s experience can draw from the America and Europe be useful in meeting the democratic aspirations of Nigerian people. Indeed, Nigerian people, especially going by the present programme of transition to third republic, have reasons to express lack of confidence on liberal democracy. Every element of the transition programme is designed to protect the IMF/World Bank Economic Recovery programme which has created hardship for majority Nigerians. In short it is bourgeoisie in the class sense.
Conclusion
The above shows that in Nigeria’s transition to democracy, the ruling-class has no respect of all the ideals of America’s liberal democratic experience. On the other hand America’s democratic practise has a lot of limitations which will not guarantee the democratic aspirations of Nigerian people. However, the best consolation is not to shed tears and develop an attitude of apathy towards the experiences. The present Nigeria’s experience whether reaches its target or collapse along the way will be a lesson for the development and consolidation of popular democracy or of the ideal liberal democratic system of the type in United States of America.
Footnotes
1. Diamond, L.; Linz J. S. Lipset, S. M. (eds), Democracy in Developing Countries Vol. II. Africa Boulder Lynne Rienner, 1988, p. xvi George Novack
2. Cernge Novack, Democracy and Revolution, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1970 pg. 182.
Tuesday 15 April 2008
Role of Youths on the Forthcoming Local Government Polls in Jigawa State
Role of Youths on the Forthcoming Local Government Polls in Jigawa State
Þ When I interact with a community of Civil Society Organisation in Jigawa State my heart becomes full with pleasure because:
a. The civil society organizations are the building blocks of democracy and wherever they are given free hands to operate, democracy would be raised to higher level.
b. Secondly, Jigawa state has in the past being deprived of vibrant civil society organizations which shielded those governments from alternative political and economic policies
c. Thirdly, that Jigawa state, being a predominantly rural formation would now become exposed to ideas which would enable her to face the challenges of modernization and development.
Þ I have no doubt that the organizers of this lecture (who are themselves youth) are aware that the youth of Jigawa state had played a vital role in the past three general elections – 1999; 2003; 2007; in the state.
v If it were free and fair elections, they are the one who made it
v If the elections were rigged still are the youth
v Those who have been tear gassed, incarcerated, shot at and killed in cold blood are the youths
- Who are the youths in Jigawa state and what are the socio-economic conditions that have produced this calibre of youth
a) The youths in Jigawa state constitute those young men in their early twenties and early thirties
v Some of them are students in various tertiary institutions in Nigeria
v Some others have passed out of the tertiary institutions, are working but have not become full family men and are not solidly fixed and become stable in the work system
v Others who are most dangerous politically are those who have finished post-primary schools but have not gone further to higher institutions or got work to do.
v There are many others from very poor peasant background living in the villages, doing nothing except to assist their fathers with farm work during rainy season or do rural form labour in order to survive
b) All these have unsatisfactory socio-economic conditions in the society:
v In those years of Saminu Turaki students were given papers of grant of scholarship but for years no money backing
v Those who have managed to get work are seeing the reality of wage exploitation
v Those who had finished post-primary schools doing nothing are gradually becoming street boys – street boys in Kano and Kaduna as well as in Nairobi, Kinshasa and Abidjan are living by violence
c) The politicians recruit their agents, mobilisers, and campaigners from the above social categories of youth
v Unfortunately when the politicians recruit them to do such dirty jobs only very few would be raised up that they could live even without that dirty job
v The majority become political agents without salaries. Therefore, they must survive by violence, rigging of elections and by doing all other things which the electoral law does not allow.
- Nevertheless, democracy is a great institution which has evolved over time with in-built mechanism and process of resolving any kind of problem.
a) I do not want carry you into the academic discourse on this matter. Because democracy is not the concern of scholars alone.
v It matters much to political actors who are charged with the governance of peoples
v In this respect democracy is about conflict and resolution of conflict
v Where there is conflict and talking of resolution of conflict implies that there are different groups of people or interests each wanted to capture an object.
v In this case, in Jigawa state some political party formations exist. By the last general elections there were many but three i.e. PDP; ANPP; and AC were stronger.
v Some few conflicts and political violence occurred between the parties, and PDP came out victories
v The other interests might have had remained alive to contest the ruling party in the coming local government elections.
b) The Electoral – representative system is where these differences are slugged out
v This is because ordinarily elections is the only mechanism through which political change can and should properly occur – especially against stronger opponent holding state power
v Furthermore, for a serious political actor elections have legitimising, deliberative and representative functions, which every party will like to have the opportunity to create
v Then of course, historical experience of Nigeria’s political development shows that those who control the state institutions monopolises means of physical coercion and access to state resources, which are all used against those who do not
c) In order to get all these advantages political actors strive by all means to win elections – at whatever level – and by all means including violence
v Although in Jigawa state the violence is not as much as in Kano, Enugu, Lagos, Jos, and many other cities in Nigeria, yet some pockets were noticed in previous elections.
v These take many forms and in different stages: the stage of the political campaign clashes; the subversion of the election procedures by INEC in favour of a candidate or political party; the violence which accompanied counting of ballot papers; and of announcement of the results.
v All these militate against elections as fundamental instruments of democracy which undermines the entire democratic processes
v The outcome is lack of good governance; personal rule; silencing of associational groups in the democratic system; etc
v The electoral and or the legal system does not help matters
v In order to seek redress you have to be rich enough and have all the people behind you to gather a lot of evidence to show to election tribunals or the courts that you want justice.
v But on the other hand evidence hardly count in dispensing the cases.
v Therefore the electoral system serves more as a measure of increasing the dissatisfaction and disaffection of the people (even the youths who benefit) from the democratic system
- In such uncertain situation, a democratic system has what democratic theories call “in-built mechanism” to check the excesses of undemocratic practices in the system
a) The Civil Society played a significant role in this checking and balancing project to build a stable democracy
v I am not going to carry you into the academic disputes over the conception of civil society
v They are those associational groups and organisations independent of the state which advocate and strategise policy and policy alternatives for social, political and economic development
v These could be of different forms e.g. political like the Y.D.C; Community Development like all the CBOs; Professional Associations etc.
v Unfortunately, Jigawa is not blessed with strong civil society. In reality, until the coming of PDP Government, the Civil Society did not exist at all.
v Indeed, the strength or otherwise of civil society a state has will also to a large extent determine the role that society could play in bringing about political and socio-economic changes in the polity.
v In short, the size of state involvement in societal development and the success of state in relation with the society is determined by whether civil society is allowed to operate independent of government.
b) History has documented the facts of how and wherever democracy succeeds and becomes stable – in Europe and America, the Civil Society played a decisive role.
v The civil society organisations are the carriers of information; of public enlightenment; of giving political awareness; as conflict resolution agents between political actors/parties; etc.
v In elections, they are the volunteers, the monitors; the agents; etc.
- It is in this spirit that the youths in Jigawa state have a great role to play in the coming Local Government polls in the state
v There is no doubt that the greatest forces of change (even because of their number) in Jigawa state are the youths.
v They are the greatest because other groups like of professionals, workers, traders, organised farmers, etc. are rarely seen as political pressure groups, perhaps because Jigawa is a relatively underdeveloped and predominantly rural-based economy.
v Yet the experience of the youth in democratisation, if there is any seems subservient to the interest of the state. This is most especially during the first eight years of civil democratic rule in the state
v So we need to state with emphasis that while the youths must play its part in the coming local government pools, it must go beyond the coming elections.
v As such there are the long-term objectives:
a) The socio-economic conditions of the different social categories of the youths formations are not the same, so the basis of the youths speaking in the same voice and acting in common is zero. However, through a civil society organisation like the Y.D.C a genuine united youth could be built with a common interest to push for fair democracy and economic development in Jigawa state.
b) Accordingly the youths could form various types of civil society organisations on different subject-matter but with a common forum to share experience in promoting the common interest of Jigawa
c) In order to assist the state government these organisations are to remain autonomous associations. This is one way to ensure that experience is acquired and to build leadership, discipline and organisation.
v On the short-term objectives during the coming local government polls the major issue is what would the youths and the Y.D.C do to avert rigging of elections
a) The youths now are mobilised by politicians of all characters distributing very little money and promising to give more. Very few hours to the polls I wish they could be demobilised and educated about dangers of money politics.
b) I wish it is long time to the pools so that elections education programme including the translation of the Electoral Act 2004 could be developed for mass education and awareness of the youths who are at all time the dominant forces during elections.
c) As being educated on the provisions of the Electoral Act, the youths are to be empowered to check INEC because as previous elections show in all parts of the country the election commission is a big rigging machine
d) The empowerment could take many forms one of which is to be allowed to independently monitor the elections and come out with results publicly
e) In monitoring of elections you are not to be identified with any political actor or party in the elections.
f) As a civil society organisation the Y.D.C has diverse responsibilities. You could develop enlightenment programmes targeted to INEC and its officials in Jigawa state. Therefore, constant meetings with the commission to map out procedures for better elections.
g) The youths in many non-governmental organisations are to work as a league with other institutions like the media, women organisations, community-based organisations, trade unions, etc. in order to attain the goal of sanitising elections, both in Jigawa state and the country al large
h) Whether elections were free and fair or not the post-elections political scene (i.e. after announcement of the results) is always tense which must be handled carefully, otherwise it degenerates into violence – by the youths.
The youths sector of the civil society has a great role to play here. What would you do? It is over to you to decide.
- Finally, by way of conclusion let me say that I am not unaware that civil society organisation like the Y.D.C needs financial support to achieve a high level of performance.
v There are many ways these can be raised
a) If the government has interest, it can make contribution by seeing the programme which contains a definition of the objective to be achieved.
b) There are also donor agencies which can also assist
c) Individuals and other organisations may contribute to achieve a given objective
v But all these must not erode the autonomy of the organisations.
M.M. Yusif
13/02/08
Initially to be presented at YDC forum in Dutse Jigawa State
Þ When I interact with a community of Civil Society Organisation in Jigawa State my heart becomes full with pleasure because:
a. The civil society organizations are the building blocks of democracy and wherever they are given free hands to operate, democracy would be raised to higher level.
b. Secondly, Jigawa state has in the past being deprived of vibrant civil society organizations which shielded those governments from alternative political and economic policies
c. Thirdly, that Jigawa state, being a predominantly rural formation would now become exposed to ideas which would enable her to face the challenges of modernization and development.
Þ I have no doubt that the organizers of this lecture (who are themselves youth) are aware that the youth of Jigawa state had played a vital role in the past three general elections – 1999; 2003; 2007; in the state.
v If it were free and fair elections, they are the one who made it
v If the elections were rigged still are the youth
v Those who have been tear gassed, incarcerated, shot at and killed in cold blood are the youths
- Who are the youths in Jigawa state and what are the socio-economic conditions that have produced this calibre of youth
a) The youths in Jigawa state constitute those young men in their early twenties and early thirties
v Some of them are students in various tertiary institutions in Nigeria
v Some others have passed out of the tertiary institutions, are working but have not become full family men and are not solidly fixed and become stable in the work system
v Others who are most dangerous politically are those who have finished post-primary schools but have not gone further to higher institutions or got work to do.
v There are many others from very poor peasant background living in the villages, doing nothing except to assist their fathers with farm work during rainy season or do rural form labour in order to survive
b) All these have unsatisfactory socio-economic conditions in the society:
v In those years of Saminu Turaki students were given papers of grant of scholarship but for years no money backing
v Those who have managed to get work are seeing the reality of wage exploitation
v Those who had finished post-primary schools doing nothing are gradually becoming street boys – street boys in Kano and Kaduna as well as in Nairobi, Kinshasa and Abidjan are living by violence
c) The politicians recruit their agents, mobilisers, and campaigners from the above social categories of youth
v Unfortunately when the politicians recruit them to do such dirty jobs only very few would be raised up that they could live even without that dirty job
v The majority become political agents without salaries. Therefore, they must survive by violence, rigging of elections and by doing all other things which the electoral law does not allow.
- Nevertheless, democracy is a great institution which has evolved over time with in-built mechanism and process of resolving any kind of problem.
a) I do not want carry you into the academic discourse on this matter. Because democracy is not the concern of scholars alone.
v It matters much to political actors who are charged with the governance of peoples
v In this respect democracy is about conflict and resolution of conflict
v Where there is conflict and talking of resolution of conflict implies that there are different groups of people or interests each wanted to capture an object.
v In this case, in Jigawa state some political party formations exist. By the last general elections there were many but three i.e. PDP; ANPP; and AC were stronger.
v Some few conflicts and political violence occurred between the parties, and PDP came out victories
v The other interests might have had remained alive to contest the ruling party in the coming local government elections.
b) The Electoral – representative system is where these differences are slugged out
v This is because ordinarily elections is the only mechanism through which political change can and should properly occur – especially against stronger opponent holding state power
v Furthermore, for a serious political actor elections have legitimising, deliberative and representative functions, which every party will like to have the opportunity to create
v Then of course, historical experience of Nigeria’s political development shows that those who control the state institutions monopolises means of physical coercion and access to state resources, which are all used against those who do not
c) In order to get all these advantages political actors strive by all means to win elections – at whatever level – and by all means including violence
v Although in Jigawa state the violence is not as much as in Kano, Enugu, Lagos, Jos, and many other cities in Nigeria, yet some pockets were noticed in previous elections.
v These take many forms and in different stages: the stage of the political campaign clashes; the subversion of the election procedures by INEC in favour of a candidate or political party; the violence which accompanied counting of ballot papers; and of announcement of the results.
v All these militate against elections as fundamental instruments of democracy which undermines the entire democratic processes
v The outcome is lack of good governance; personal rule; silencing of associational groups in the democratic system; etc
v The electoral and or the legal system does not help matters
v In order to seek redress you have to be rich enough and have all the people behind you to gather a lot of evidence to show to election tribunals or the courts that you want justice.
v But on the other hand evidence hardly count in dispensing the cases.
v Therefore the electoral system serves more as a measure of increasing the dissatisfaction and disaffection of the people (even the youths who benefit) from the democratic system
- In such uncertain situation, a democratic system has what democratic theories call “in-built mechanism” to check the excesses of undemocratic practices in the system
a) The Civil Society played a significant role in this checking and balancing project to build a stable democracy
v I am not going to carry you into the academic disputes over the conception of civil society
v They are those associational groups and organisations independent of the state which advocate and strategise policy and policy alternatives for social, political and economic development
v These could be of different forms e.g. political like the Y.D.C; Community Development like all the CBOs; Professional Associations etc.
v Unfortunately, Jigawa is not blessed with strong civil society. In reality, until the coming of PDP Government, the Civil Society did not exist at all.
v Indeed, the strength or otherwise of civil society a state has will also to a large extent determine the role that society could play in bringing about political and socio-economic changes in the polity.
v In short, the size of state involvement in societal development and the success of state in relation with the society is determined by whether civil society is allowed to operate independent of government.
b) History has documented the facts of how and wherever democracy succeeds and becomes stable – in Europe and America, the Civil Society played a decisive role.
v The civil society organisations are the carriers of information; of public enlightenment; of giving political awareness; as conflict resolution agents between political actors/parties; etc.
v In elections, they are the volunteers, the monitors; the agents; etc.
- It is in this spirit that the youths in Jigawa state have a great role to play in the coming Local Government polls in the state
v There is no doubt that the greatest forces of change (even because of their number) in Jigawa state are the youths.
v They are the greatest because other groups like of professionals, workers, traders, organised farmers, etc. are rarely seen as political pressure groups, perhaps because Jigawa is a relatively underdeveloped and predominantly rural-based economy.
v Yet the experience of the youth in democratisation, if there is any seems subservient to the interest of the state. This is most especially during the first eight years of civil democratic rule in the state
v So we need to state with emphasis that while the youths must play its part in the coming local government pools, it must go beyond the coming elections.
v As such there are the long-term objectives:
a) The socio-economic conditions of the different social categories of the youths formations are not the same, so the basis of the youths speaking in the same voice and acting in common is zero. However, through a civil society organisation like the Y.D.C a genuine united youth could be built with a common interest to push for fair democracy and economic development in Jigawa state.
b) Accordingly the youths could form various types of civil society organisations on different subject-matter but with a common forum to share experience in promoting the common interest of Jigawa
c) In order to assist the state government these organisations are to remain autonomous associations. This is one way to ensure that experience is acquired and to build leadership, discipline and organisation.
v On the short-term objectives during the coming local government polls the major issue is what would the youths and the Y.D.C do to avert rigging of elections
a) The youths now are mobilised by politicians of all characters distributing very little money and promising to give more. Very few hours to the polls I wish they could be demobilised and educated about dangers of money politics.
b) I wish it is long time to the pools so that elections education programme including the translation of the Electoral Act 2004 could be developed for mass education and awareness of the youths who are at all time the dominant forces during elections.
c) As being educated on the provisions of the Electoral Act, the youths are to be empowered to check INEC because as previous elections show in all parts of the country the election commission is a big rigging machine
d) The empowerment could take many forms one of which is to be allowed to independently monitor the elections and come out with results publicly
e) In monitoring of elections you are not to be identified with any political actor or party in the elections.
f) As a civil society organisation the Y.D.C has diverse responsibilities. You could develop enlightenment programmes targeted to INEC and its officials in Jigawa state. Therefore, constant meetings with the commission to map out procedures for better elections.
g) The youths in many non-governmental organisations are to work as a league with other institutions like the media, women organisations, community-based organisations, trade unions, etc. in order to attain the goal of sanitising elections, both in Jigawa state and the country al large
h) Whether elections were free and fair or not the post-elections political scene (i.e. after announcement of the results) is always tense which must be handled carefully, otherwise it degenerates into violence – by the youths.
The youths sector of the civil society has a great role to play here. What would you do? It is over to you to decide.
- Finally, by way of conclusion let me say that I am not unaware that civil society organisation like the Y.D.C needs financial support to achieve a high level of performance.
v There are many ways these can be raised
a) If the government has interest, it can make contribution by seeing the programme which contains a definition of the objective to be achieved.
b) There are also donor agencies which can also assist
c) Individuals and other organisations may contribute to achieve a given objective
v But all these must not erode the autonomy of the organisations.
M.M. Yusif
13/02/08
Initially to be presented at YDC forum in Dutse Jigawa State
Friday 11 April 2008
THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICAN CONGRESS ---
THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICAN CONGRESS OF TRADE UNIONS
BY
MA’AZU MOHAMMED YUSIF
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
Paper Presented at SACTU Day, 5th March, 1987 at NLC Secretariat, Kano State - Nigeria
Introduction
The history of the working class in South Africa includes the history of continual struggle to expand trade unions among African workers. Since 1919 when Industrial and Commercial Workers Union was established trade unionism flourished among African Workers. Since the beginning of the seventies there has been a rapid growth of Black Trade Union Movements in South Africa. The right to unionise, although still hedged in by a number of political constraints imposed by the state, (and the use of sophisticated methods of repression and attempts by the white supremacist regime to divide the workers along ethnic and racial lines), has been effectively utilised against the apartheid state. Black working-class now formed the largest number of unionised workers. The number of strikes is increasing. And there is increasing attempt to forge solidarity between and among established and emerging unions giving impetus to the class struggle and consolidating a most decisive force in the struggle for national and social emancipation. Yet this development posed many problems of a revolutionary strategy, especially in terms of the role of the trade unions and their relations with the ANC – led liberation alliance. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the experience of South African Congress of Trade Union, of a strategy of struggle against both apartheid and capitalism.
The Emergence of SACTU
On 5th March 1955, exactly 34 years ago, the first non-racial trade union coordinating body was formed – the SACTU. Originally, it is an amalgam of unregistered African Trade Unions affiliated to Congress of Non-European Trade Unions and 14 registered unions that refused to join the opportunistic Trade Union Congress of South Africa. SACTU emerged in the mid – 50’s, a formidable force in economic and political struggle against racial capitalism. In those early years SACTU bridged the gap between two generations of Progressive Trade Unionists: On the one hand, the many Trade Union leaders banned under the suppression of communism Act in the early 1950’s continued to assist the new organization with their combined expertise and commitment. On the other hand, a new generation of black, predominantly African Trade Union surfaced to give SACTU its roots in the oppressed masses. This latter group became the SACTU leaders, organizers and activists in the difficult years of open struggle between 1955 and 1964.
The historic task assumed by SACTU in 1955 was nothing less than the effective organization of Black workers into disciplined, democratic and militant trade unions unwilling to compromise with state and employers. With this most formidable task and most essential goal, SACTU initiated its policies of non-racial and political trade unionism. The policy of non-racial trade unionism threatens the entire basis of the system of labour exploitation in that it confronts the racial wage structure of monopoly capital and the racial divide-and-rule policy of the state. on the policy of political trade unionism SACTU stated that insofar as the over-whelming majority of the South African working-class are oppressed as a nation, and insofar as this same majority constitute the Black working-class, it follows that any Black trade unionism that eliminates the struggle for national liberation from its programme is, in the final analysis, incapable of representing the real interest of its members. SACTU’S off-quoted declaration on the subject of political struggle and trade unionism remains as valid today as when it was drafted in the 1950’s:
“SACTU is conscious of the fact that the organising of the mass of workers for higher wages… is inextricably bound up with a determined struggle for political rights and liberation from all oppressive laws and practices. It follows that a mere struggle for economic rights of all, the workers without participation in the general struggle for political emancipation would condemn the trade union movement to uselessness and to betrayal of the interests of the workers” SACTU, 1956)
Furthermore, this commitment to a simultaneous struggle both on the economic and political fronts reflected SACTU’s fundamental understanding of the relationship between racism and capitalism. From the statement of SACTU:
“Capitalism thrives on profits derived from the workers… it rejects everything that stands in the way of profits and uses its power mercilessly to crush its opposition…. It is the nature of capitalism to use many devices to camouflage its naked exploitation of the workers. In South Africa, the device used to create super profits is racial discrimination” (SACTU, 1956).
Armed with these principles, SACTU embarked in 1955 on a task that will be realised only with the total liberation of the people from the double chains of national oppression and class exploitation. It joined the congress alliance immediately after its formation and has since then in political struggle alongside other members of the ANC-led revolutionary alliance.
SACTU and the Problem of Working-Class Strategy
In revolutionary theory, trade unionism is important in creating conditions for revolutionary advance, but numerous Trade Unionists and revolutionary theorists think otherwise. In the recent history of South Africa, Joe Foster, the Secretary-General of Federation of South African Trade Union (FOSATU) raised some issues with a wider implications for working-class strategy in South African Revolution. It is a broader aspect of political action by Trade Unions which forms the main thrust of the issues Joe Foster raised while addressing the 1982 conference of the union. There are two main issues in Foster’s speech. (1) The ANC – The major force now challenging the South African state – arose as a populist movement against oppression when capital was still not fully developed and could thus hide itself behind the front of race oppression. Its popular appeal at home and its wider acceptance abroad limit its effectiveness; it has to advance its popularity by claiming credit for all forms of internal resistance with a tendency to… “Encourage undirected opportunist activity”. (2) “Most Unions and their leadership lack confidence” to act as a real workers leadership. They see their role as part of a wider struggle… Energy is spent establishing unity across a wide front. Such a position is clearly a great strategic error”. Popular mass movements aiming at the overthrow of the regime cannot deal with the particular problems of workers”. It is therefore essential that workers must strive to build their own powerful and effective organisation even whilst they are part of the wider political struggle… and ensure that the popular movement is not hijacked by elements that will in the end have no option but to turn against their worker supporters”.
At best Fosters’ approach is sectarian, economicstic and opportunistic. His programme is reduced to so-called “pure working-class politics – confrontation between workers and capital from which the remaining sectors of South Africa society are excluded. This is wrong; and being wrong it provides a wrong basis for the political programme of National and Social Revolution in South Africa.
Fosters’ and other sectarian tendencies are common among South African trade union movements and in all trade union movements world-over. SACTU wage ideological battles against these tendencies. In fact in 1979 a dispute broke out between a small faction in SACTU and the leadership which led to the suspension of the dissidents from the ranks of SACTU and ANC in London. The dispute started with a publication of a pamphlet “The Workers’ Movement and SACTU”. In it the dissidents analysed the role of trade union movement in the South African Revolutionary struggle. The analysis represents an attempt to apply economistic and “Workerist” approach to the South African Revolution. Implicity in, and underlying the entire pamphlet is the conception that the political struggle grows directly out of the immediate struggles at the point of production. This implies that the political struggle is separated from the economic demands and that SACTU because of its alliance with ANC cannot be conceived of as incorporating the whole of the workers’ struggle into itself. Secondly, the authors of the document underestimated the importance of class alliances in the struggle.
SACTU uphold the long established tradition of ANC-SACP-SACTU Alliance and the political line of the Alliance on the relationship between trade unionism and the liberation Movement. This line stressed the Leninist position that revolutionary waves of mass strike depends on the closest connection between political and economic demands as the most unorganised sections can be aroused only by the most extraordinary accentuation of the “Movement” and by economic demands. Secondly, political demands can only be sustained when backed by economic demands and that the movement as a whole can only be developed by drawing in the most unorganised workers through economic demands which can make possible development into revolutionary advance. Thirdly, Lenin stressed that a small compact, propaganda group could perform the functions of a trade union organisation. He said:
“A small, compact core of the most reliable, experienced and hardened workers, with responsible representatives in the principal districts and connected by all the rules of strict secrecy with the organisation of revolutionary, can with the widest support of the masses and without any formal organisation, perform all the functions of a trade union organization…” (Lenin, CW Vol.16)
The Consolidation of ANC-SACTU Alliance
The ANC, the leading Liberation Front advanced its relationship to working-class demands through the adoption of the Freedom Charter which calls for the nationalisation of monopoly capital, mines and banks. This relationship has been developed systematically through the adoption by SACTU of the Freedom Charter and through its participation in the Congress Alliance which organised resistance to apartheid during the phase of legal and parliamentary opposition in South Africa. Accordingly, the movement of national resistance came to relate to organised workers both programmatically and organisationally through the trade unions made up of SACTU. By the late 1950’s there was already a slogan that the ANC was the ‘spear’ of the African people while SACTU was the ‘shield’. Members of each organisation were encouraged to become members of trade unions and the political organisations which made up the Congress Alliance. When the organisations were prohibited in the early 1960’s the links between them became cemented underground. SACTU joined in the formulation and adoption of the ANC strategy and tactics which form the basis of the Liberation Movement. Now SACTU is an equal partner in the Liberation Alliance led by the ANC.
Conclusion
The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) has a responsibility of enriching its practice from the theoretical and practical experience of SACTU. The emerging tradition of NLC to ally with all progressive forces in the country should be maintained. Thus the 1986 Labour Amendment Act which disallowed the affliation of certain unions with NLC should be persistently resisted. Trade Union Movements should not see progressive intellectuals and groups as encroaching into their trade union empires. All reactionary and ‘Workerist’ tendencies should be combated with vigour. On their own, revolutionary intellectuals should not propagate theories that will create division between Trade Union Movements and all progressive groups and individuals.
LONG LIVE THE UNITY OF ALL DEMOCRATIC FORCES:
Bibliography
1. Joe Foster, “The Workers’ Struggle – where does FOSATU stand”? Review of African Political Economy, No.24, 1982
2. Lenin, Collected Works Vol.16, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1960.
3. Petersen, et al, Workers Movement and SACTU, London, 1979.
4. SACTU, Statement of Policy submitted to the First Annual Conference of SACTU, Cape Town. March 1956.
BY
MA’AZU MOHAMMED YUSIF
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
Paper Presented at SACTU Day, 5th March, 1987 at NLC Secretariat, Kano State - Nigeria
Introduction
The history of the working class in South Africa includes the history of continual struggle to expand trade unions among African workers. Since 1919 when Industrial and Commercial Workers Union was established trade unionism flourished among African Workers. Since the beginning of the seventies there has been a rapid growth of Black Trade Union Movements in South Africa. The right to unionise, although still hedged in by a number of political constraints imposed by the state, (and the use of sophisticated methods of repression and attempts by the white supremacist regime to divide the workers along ethnic and racial lines), has been effectively utilised against the apartheid state. Black working-class now formed the largest number of unionised workers. The number of strikes is increasing. And there is increasing attempt to forge solidarity between and among established and emerging unions giving impetus to the class struggle and consolidating a most decisive force in the struggle for national and social emancipation. Yet this development posed many problems of a revolutionary strategy, especially in terms of the role of the trade unions and their relations with the ANC – led liberation alliance. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the experience of South African Congress of Trade Union, of a strategy of struggle against both apartheid and capitalism.
The Emergence of SACTU
On 5th March 1955, exactly 34 years ago, the first non-racial trade union coordinating body was formed – the SACTU. Originally, it is an amalgam of unregistered African Trade Unions affiliated to Congress of Non-European Trade Unions and 14 registered unions that refused to join the opportunistic Trade Union Congress of South Africa. SACTU emerged in the mid – 50’s, a formidable force in economic and political struggle against racial capitalism. In those early years SACTU bridged the gap between two generations of Progressive Trade Unionists: On the one hand, the many Trade Union leaders banned under the suppression of communism Act in the early 1950’s continued to assist the new organization with their combined expertise and commitment. On the other hand, a new generation of black, predominantly African Trade Union surfaced to give SACTU its roots in the oppressed masses. This latter group became the SACTU leaders, organizers and activists in the difficult years of open struggle between 1955 and 1964.
The historic task assumed by SACTU in 1955 was nothing less than the effective organization of Black workers into disciplined, democratic and militant trade unions unwilling to compromise with state and employers. With this most formidable task and most essential goal, SACTU initiated its policies of non-racial and political trade unionism. The policy of non-racial trade unionism threatens the entire basis of the system of labour exploitation in that it confronts the racial wage structure of monopoly capital and the racial divide-and-rule policy of the state. on the policy of political trade unionism SACTU stated that insofar as the over-whelming majority of the South African working-class are oppressed as a nation, and insofar as this same majority constitute the Black working-class, it follows that any Black trade unionism that eliminates the struggle for national liberation from its programme is, in the final analysis, incapable of representing the real interest of its members. SACTU’S off-quoted declaration on the subject of political struggle and trade unionism remains as valid today as when it was drafted in the 1950’s:
“SACTU is conscious of the fact that the organising of the mass of workers for higher wages… is inextricably bound up with a determined struggle for political rights and liberation from all oppressive laws and practices. It follows that a mere struggle for economic rights of all, the workers without participation in the general struggle for political emancipation would condemn the trade union movement to uselessness and to betrayal of the interests of the workers” SACTU, 1956)
Furthermore, this commitment to a simultaneous struggle both on the economic and political fronts reflected SACTU’s fundamental understanding of the relationship between racism and capitalism. From the statement of SACTU:
“Capitalism thrives on profits derived from the workers… it rejects everything that stands in the way of profits and uses its power mercilessly to crush its opposition…. It is the nature of capitalism to use many devices to camouflage its naked exploitation of the workers. In South Africa, the device used to create super profits is racial discrimination” (SACTU, 1956).
Armed with these principles, SACTU embarked in 1955 on a task that will be realised only with the total liberation of the people from the double chains of national oppression and class exploitation. It joined the congress alliance immediately after its formation and has since then in political struggle alongside other members of the ANC-led revolutionary alliance.
SACTU and the Problem of Working-Class Strategy
In revolutionary theory, trade unionism is important in creating conditions for revolutionary advance, but numerous Trade Unionists and revolutionary theorists think otherwise. In the recent history of South Africa, Joe Foster, the Secretary-General of Federation of South African Trade Union (FOSATU) raised some issues with a wider implications for working-class strategy in South African Revolution. It is a broader aspect of political action by Trade Unions which forms the main thrust of the issues Joe Foster raised while addressing the 1982 conference of the union. There are two main issues in Foster’s speech. (1) The ANC – The major force now challenging the South African state – arose as a populist movement against oppression when capital was still not fully developed and could thus hide itself behind the front of race oppression. Its popular appeal at home and its wider acceptance abroad limit its effectiveness; it has to advance its popularity by claiming credit for all forms of internal resistance with a tendency to… “Encourage undirected opportunist activity”. (2) “Most Unions and their leadership lack confidence” to act as a real workers leadership. They see their role as part of a wider struggle… Energy is spent establishing unity across a wide front. Such a position is clearly a great strategic error”. Popular mass movements aiming at the overthrow of the regime cannot deal with the particular problems of workers”. It is therefore essential that workers must strive to build their own powerful and effective organisation even whilst they are part of the wider political struggle… and ensure that the popular movement is not hijacked by elements that will in the end have no option but to turn against their worker supporters”.
At best Fosters’ approach is sectarian, economicstic and opportunistic. His programme is reduced to so-called “pure working-class politics – confrontation between workers and capital from which the remaining sectors of South Africa society are excluded. This is wrong; and being wrong it provides a wrong basis for the political programme of National and Social Revolution in South Africa.
Fosters’ and other sectarian tendencies are common among South African trade union movements and in all trade union movements world-over. SACTU wage ideological battles against these tendencies. In fact in 1979 a dispute broke out between a small faction in SACTU and the leadership which led to the suspension of the dissidents from the ranks of SACTU and ANC in London. The dispute started with a publication of a pamphlet “The Workers’ Movement and SACTU”. In it the dissidents analysed the role of trade union movement in the South African Revolutionary struggle. The analysis represents an attempt to apply economistic and “Workerist” approach to the South African Revolution. Implicity in, and underlying the entire pamphlet is the conception that the political struggle grows directly out of the immediate struggles at the point of production. This implies that the political struggle is separated from the economic demands and that SACTU because of its alliance with ANC cannot be conceived of as incorporating the whole of the workers’ struggle into itself. Secondly, the authors of the document underestimated the importance of class alliances in the struggle.
SACTU uphold the long established tradition of ANC-SACP-SACTU Alliance and the political line of the Alliance on the relationship between trade unionism and the liberation Movement. This line stressed the Leninist position that revolutionary waves of mass strike depends on the closest connection between political and economic demands as the most unorganised sections can be aroused only by the most extraordinary accentuation of the “Movement” and by economic demands. Secondly, political demands can only be sustained when backed by economic demands and that the movement as a whole can only be developed by drawing in the most unorganised workers through economic demands which can make possible development into revolutionary advance. Thirdly, Lenin stressed that a small compact, propaganda group could perform the functions of a trade union organisation. He said:
“A small, compact core of the most reliable, experienced and hardened workers, with responsible representatives in the principal districts and connected by all the rules of strict secrecy with the organisation of revolutionary, can with the widest support of the masses and without any formal organisation, perform all the functions of a trade union organization…” (Lenin, CW Vol.16)
The Consolidation of ANC-SACTU Alliance
The ANC, the leading Liberation Front advanced its relationship to working-class demands through the adoption of the Freedom Charter which calls for the nationalisation of monopoly capital, mines and banks. This relationship has been developed systematically through the adoption by SACTU of the Freedom Charter and through its participation in the Congress Alliance which organised resistance to apartheid during the phase of legal and parliamentary opposition in South Africa. Accordingly, the movement of national resistance came to relate to organised workers both programmatically and organisationally through the trade unions made up of SACTU. By the late 1950’s there was already a slogan that the ANC was the ‘spear’ of the African people while SACTU was the ‘shield’. Members of each organisation were encouraged to become members of trade unions and the political organisations which made up the Congress Alliance. When the organisations were prohibited in the early 1960’s the links between them became cemented underground. SACTU joined in the formulation and adoption of the ANC strategy and tactics which form the basis of the Liberation Movement. Now SACTU is an equal partner in the Liberation Alliance led by the ANC.
Conclusion
The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) has a responsibility of enriching its practice from the theoretical and practical experience of SACTU. The emerging tradition of NLC to ally with all progressive forces in the country should be maintained. Thus the 1986 Labour Amendment Act which disallowed the affliation of certain unions with NLC should be persistently resisted. Trade Union Movements should not see progressive intellectuals and groups as encroaching into their trade union empires. All reactionary and ‘Workerist’ tendencies should be combated with vigour. On their own, revolutionary intellectuals should not propagate theories that will create division between Trade Union Movements and all progressive groups and individuals.
LONG LIVE THE UNITY OF ALL DEMOCRATIC FORCES:
Bibliography
1. Joe Foster, “The Workers’ Struggle – where does FOSATU stand”? Review of African Political Economy, No.24, 1982
2. Lenin, Collected Works Vol.16, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1960.
3. Petersen, et al, Workers Movement and SACTU, London, 1979.
4. SACTU, Statement of Policy submitted to the First Annual Conference of SACTU, Cape Town. March 1956.
Poem: Teacher’s Feeling
Poem: Teacher’s Feeling
Now that this cloud has moved up again
Would light come to see those third level students inside
Some young play boys and girls
Who love to be clouded
Only few want light to come down to pick their working materials
Their pens have dried
They don’t care
Why would they care
They don’t need them
Their books are mutilated and torn into pieces
They are laughing
Throwing them in the dustbin
With all the gold substance in them
Every week containers of books come to them
But they don’t mind them
They left them under rain and sun to rot
And then bury them in a deep grave
Oh! Learning is love
It is a truth
And a paideia
But they are refusing to carry the message
Ah! They only love their mobile phones
And plagiarism
They are credulous
The teacher as a stone
He refused to be moved
To throw waste on his face
So that he leaves us alone
What would you do with them
Create more light to see through the cloud
Those who see the direction and refused to follow
Those who do not see at all
Set them behind
M.M. Yusif
February, 2008
Now that this cloud has moved up again
Would light come to see those third level students inside
Some young play boys and girls
Who love to be clouded
Only few want light to come down to pick their working materials
Their pens have dried
They don’t care
Why would they care
They don’t need them
Their books are mutilated and torn into pieces
They are laughing
Throwing them in the dustbin
With all the gold substance in them
Every week containers of books come to them
But they don’t mind them
They left them under rain and sun to rot
And then bury them in a deep grave
Oh! Learning is love
It is a truth
And a paideia
But they are refusing to carry the message
Ah! They only love their mobile phones
And plagiarism
They are credulous
The teacher as a stone
He refused to be moved
To throw waste on his face
So that he leaves us alone
What would you do with them
Create more light to see through the cloud
Those who see the direction and refused to follow
Those who do not see at all
Set them behind
M.M. Yusif
February, 2008
PDA: 7206 SOCIAL RESEARCH METHODS
| DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO PDA: 7206 SOCIAL RESEARCH METHODS COURSE LECTURER: M.M. YUSIF SESSION: 2007/2008 TIME: VENUE: INTRODUCTION This is a teaching programme in Social Research Methods available as a requirement for Postgraduate Students of PGDPPA programme run by Department of Political Science. It is a 3-credit course taught in the First Semester of the Session which every student in the programme must pass before is allowed to graduate. ORIENTATION OF THE COURSE Social Research Methods involve varied approaches, methodologies and forms of analyses to the study of social issues in not only Political Science but also Sociology, Economics, Geography, Law Anthropology, Psychology and other disciplines in social sciences. Although there are some common principles and methodologies applied by Social Research Methods in all these disciplines, yet there are differences. As Political Scientists concerned with political methodology Chris Achen (1983) has shown a direction when he said that “political methodology is derived largely from forays through other disciplines’ attics”. This seems a weakness, in a sense an inferiority, however, there is a new development which political methodology captures. Reflecting on the above problem of political inquiry, I am feeling that it is created by traditional social research methods which dominated social investigation in all fields of social sciences, for many decades until recently. The traditional social research methods employ quantitative methods in designing research and in short it is all about manipulation and analysis of opinions collected through questionnaire methods and other statistics. These obviously has methodological limitations, one of which is what Rejeev Bhargava (1992) called “individualism in Social Science”. With collapse of University and higher education generally, the quantitative method is misused and abused by students and other researchers. My experience in the Department of Political Science, Bayero University Kano, particularly among undergraduate students is to sit down in their rooms, create the data, tabulate the data and present them as their field works and result of their social investigation. At readings of many other works from different sources could observe lack of scientific method in both collection, preparation and analysis of data for social research. An important aspect of any social research in general and political methodology in particular is its scientificity. From a dynamic point of view a theory of science is essentially a theory of research. Notwithstanding that one cannot always be identified with the other. One great quality of science to be expected in social investigation is to be undertaken in a spirit of free inquiry as well as to present result which does not contain limit to human knowledge. In view of these limitations social research methods are now suffering from, other intellectual sources variously labelled as “interpretive”, “postmodern”, “post structuralist”, “constructivist”, or “post-positivist” which have emerged and are being used to re-orient the course of social investigation including writing the report. This “New Social Research Method” does not do away with quantitative methods, but brings in philosophy of social research and qualitative methodology to reconstruct the methods and the techniques of social investigation. In short the New Social Research Methods teaches how to combine a number of methods and techniques in conducting social investigations. Furthermore, it avails us with other new methods and techniques such as Computer-Assisted Pilot-Testing and Web surveys; Visual Research Methods; Feminist research methods; discourse analysis; Action research; as well as writing the research report and the politics of Social Research. OBJECTIVE OF THE COURSE The aim of this course is to develop understanding of, and competence in social investigation and analysis of social science data. Students will be introduced to scientific method and the techniques of the “New Social Research Methods” in collection, preparation, analysis and presentation as well as writing the research report. Among the topics to be addressed are political methodology: Old and New; Science and Research; development in the philosophy of social research and their relevance to social inquiry; theory and research; Computer-Assisted research; data collection; preparation, analysis and presentation of data etc. Students will be expected to understand the philosophical underpinnings in social science inquiry”. They will be expected to be able to apply the “New Social Research Methods” in their undertaking in social inquiry. TOPICS TO BE TREATED General Introduction: Introducing the course and what it is about; topics to be treated; recommended reading materials; course requirement; assessment of the teaching programme by students; other issues political methodology: Issues on the Old and New Perspectives Readings Robert E. Goodin and Hans-Dieter Klingemann (ed.) (1996). A New Handbook of Political Science. Chapters 32, 33, 34 and 35. J.B. Johnson and Richard A. Joslyn (1991) Political Science Research Methods Chapter 2 Dean Jaros and Lawrence V. Grant (1974). Political Behaviour. Chapters 1, 2 and 7 Sidney Ulmer (ed.) (1961) Introductory Reading in Political Behaviour. Introduction and Chapter 1 Varma S.P. (1975). Modern Political Theory Chapters 1, 2, 3, and 4 Paul Hirst (2005). “The future of Political Studies”. 3. Science and Research Readings Margaret Stacey (1969). Methods of Social Research. Chapter 1 Paolo Bisogno, “Scientific Research and Human Needs”. In Augusto Forti and Paolo Bisogno (ed.) (1981). Research and Human Needs Augusto Forti, “Scientific Research, Human Needs and the New Economic Order”. In A. Forti and P. Bisogni (ed.). Op. cit Kenneth D. Barley (1982). Methods of Social Research Pgs 6-10 Theresa Baker (1980). Doing Social Research. Introduction and Chapter 2 Eart R. Babbie (1973). Survey Research Methods. Chapters 1, 2, and 3 Andrew Seyer (1992). Method in Social Science: A Realist Approach. Chapter 1 J.B. Johnson and R.A. Joslyn (1991). Political Research Methods. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 4. Theory and Research Readings Andrew Seyer (1992). Op. Cit. Chapter 2 David Garson (1976). Handbook of Political Science Methods. Chapters 1 and 4 Varma S.P. (1975). Op Cit. Chapter 3 5. Literature Review and Ethical Concerns Readings Earl R. Babbie (1973). Op. Cit. Chapter 19 J.B. Johnson and Richard A. Joslyn (1991). Chapter 6 Kenneth D. Bailey (1978). Op. Cit. Chapter 17 David Garson (1976). Op. Cit. Chapter 6 6. Method and Methodology: Quantitative and Qualitative Method Readings a. Theresa Baker (1980). Op. Cit. Chapters 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. b. Margaret Stacey (1969). Op. Cit. Chapters 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 c. J.B. Johnson and R.A. Joslyn (1991). Op. Cit. Chapters 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. d. Kenneth D. Bailey (1978). Op. Cit. Parts I II, and III e. Eart R. Babbie (1973). Op. Cit Part III f. David Garson (1976). Op. Cit. Chapters 13, 14, 15 and 16, 18 g. Catherine Kell, “Activists and Academics: the role of liberal Universities in research for the democratic movement”. In Elaine Unterlatter et al (ed.) (1991). Apatheid Education and Popular Struggles. h. Melenie Walker, “Action research and the transformation of teaching for peoples education”. In Elaine U. (1991). Op. Cit. i. Otivere M. Igbuzor, “Methodological issues in gender studies in Nigeria”, The Nigerian Social Scientist: Newsletter of the Social Academy of Nigeria, Volume 3 Number 1, March, 2000 7. Critical appraisal of traditional social science research Readings a. Rajeeve Bhargava (1992). Op. Cit. Chapters 1 and 2 b. Andrew Seyer (1984). Op. Cit. c. John A. Hughes (1990). The Philosophy of Social Research d. V. I. Lenin, “Materialism and Empirio-criticism: Critical Comments on a reactionary philosophy”. e. Gareth Stedman Jones, “History; the poverty of empiricism”, in Robin Blackbum (ed.) (1971). Ideology in Social Science Readings in Critical Social Theory f. Otwin Marenin, “Essence and Empiricism in African Politics”, Yolamu Barongo (ed.) (1983) Political Science in Africa; A Critical Review 8. Alternative Approach to Social Science Research: the perspectives of theory, method and philosophy in interpretation of social data. Readings a. Andrew Seyer, Op. Cit. b. Rajeeve Bhargave, Op. Cit. c. John A. Hughes, Op. Cit. 9. Writing Research Reports: the issues and the politics Readings a. Theresa Baker (1980). Op. Cit. Chapter 17 b. J. B. Johnson and R. A. Joslyn (1991) Op. Cit. Chapter 14 c. Andrew Sayer (1984). Op. Cit. Appendix d. David Johnson, “People’s Education and the Politics of Writing; issues, perspectives and possibilities for a future South Africa”. In Elaine U. (1991). Op. Cit. 10. Practical Lecture room exercise (i) 11. Practical Lecture room exercise (ii) 12. Conclusions: This will be divided into two parts. Part I will be presentation of end of Semester Seminar reports and part II will be critical comment by students on their classroom experience and observation during the course. Joint Readings a. * Heald and Hay, “Problems of Theory and Research” ROAPE No.34 (1985) b. * James Petras, “The divergence between scientific work and political action”. In his critical perspectives on imperialism and social classes in Third World Countries. c. Nertil Egero, “Mozambique and Angola! Reconstruction in the social science”, UPPSALA REPORT No.42 d. * Selltiz, C. et al”, Research Methods in Social Sciences”, UPPSALA REPORT e. Harold W. Starley et al, “Partisanship and Group Support Overtime; A Multivariate Analysis”. American Political Science Review Vol.8 Number 3, September, 1986 f. Jimi Adesina, “Doing work Place Study: Reflections on a field research”. In Dafe Otobo (ed.) further readings in Nigerian industrial relation g. A. R. Tyagi, “Methodology of research in community development and rural local administration”. The Nigerian Journal of Public Affairs”. Vol. IV No.1 October 1973. h. K. A. B. Okoko “Causality and the Study of Politics: A theoretical Exploration”. Nigerian Journal of Political Science. Vol.2 No.2 December, 1980 i. * Chamba M. Ngou “Foundations of Systematised Political inquiry. Ancient root of a contemporary debate”. Nigerian Journal of Political Science Vol.2 No.2 December 1980 j. Michael T. Hannan and Nancy Brandon Tuma, “Methods for Temporal Analysis”, Annual Review of Sociology 1979 k. Paul Lubeck, “The value of Multiple methods in researching Third World Strikes: A Nigerian Example”. Development and change Vol. 10 (1979). l. Layi Erinolo, “The social sciences in Nigeria in the 21st Century. Matters arising”. The Nigerian Social Scientist Vol. 2 No.2 (September 1999) m. Akin L. Mabogunje, “Nothing Profits more: Social Knowledge and National Development”. Nigerian Social Scientist Vol.2 No.2 (September, 1999). Organisation and Evaluation Responsible for the course is the course instructor, who in each week will give a talk on a topic on the programme. The period will be divided into two parts. The first will highlight the major issues covered in the literature listed under each topic. The second part will be for discussion on a written literature report or topic of interest by students who would be called upon seminar by seminar to present their weekly assignments. Assessment of students is based on end of Semester Examination (60%) and continuous Assessment (40%). Evaluation of the class work will be determined in the following ways. - There will be a weekly presentation and discussion of a packet of articles and chapters of books scheduled for class discussion throughout the semester. Readings marked by an asterisk (*) in the syllabus would be thoroughly discussed in weekly class discussions - The class will be divided into seminars and each week, for the purpose of presentation and discussion; a seminar would be called upon of which all its members will lead the class in discussion - Each student will write a term paper on a relevant topic and present the report to the class - Each seminar will write a research proposal on a relevant social problem for funding by any international agency. - Students would be exposed to use of internet and E-mail for teaching, learning and research. This too, would be awarded marks in evaluating students class performance - Class attendance is strictly regarded very important. As mature students if you want to attend come before the lecture begins. Otherwise, please don’t come and disrupt us. |
Khomeinis State: Some Preliminary Propositions
| Khomeinis State: Some Preliminary Propositions By M. M. Yusif Paper presented at postgraduate Discussion Group Department of Political Science Bayero University, Kano The confusion which surrounds the conception of Islamic state stands on the way of any meaningful analysis of state behaviours in Islamic countries. This state of affairs is precisely due to our inability to recognise the difference between the conception of state and the form and behaviour of government. In view of this, it is pertinent to start by making an essential observation about the problematic of Islamic states. Because this will enhance the level of our discussions. The study will therefore concern itself with the character of the state in post-revolutionary Iranian society. I must however, admitted that the title of this paper which is suggested as ‘Khomeinis state seems ambitious and vague especially when it is to be presented in a political theory class. Hence I will limit myself to examining the forces of the revolution which brought the Mullahs into power and whether in the light of the new opposition, the clerics could retain political power. It is fashionable in the Islamic academic circles, whenever we discuss social, political and other theoretical questions about the state, to trace it either in Quran or Sunna or to a sectarian interest of certain Islamic movements. Even the recent revolutionary philosophical interpretation of Islam is trapped in the same tradition. The reason is undoubtedly not unconnected with the manner Western idealist philosophy informed Islamic political thought. In concrete term, a state can better be understood by examining its class configurations rather than looking at its juridico-political superstructures. Therefore what makes Islamic state different from a non-Islamic one is only at level on which Islam has become important at political and ideological superstructures of the former. Islamic values and principles are only meant to justify the political domination of the ruling class. Hassan N. Gandezi clearly demonstrated that despite the Islamicity of Pakistan and Iran, there isn’t any new awakening of moral consciousness within the framework of Islamic morality. He further argued that even if such phenomenon certainly occurred, does not appear to be a natural experience given the legislation of harsh punishment and executions in both two countries1. Coming back to the issue of state more clearly, Engels definition is adequate: “The state is by no means a power forced on society from without; just as little is it the reality of the ethical idea, the image and reality of reason, as Hegel maintains. Rather it is a product of society at a certain stage of development; it is the admission that this society has become entangled in an insoluble contradiction with itself, that it has split into irreconcilable antagonisms which it is powerless to dispel. But in order that these antagonisms, these classes with conflicting economic interest might not consume themselves and society in fruitless struggle, it became necessary to have a power, seemingly standing above society, that would alleviate the conflict and keep it within the bounds of order; and this power, arisen out of society but placing itself above it, and alienating itself more and more from it is the state”2. This definition is also applicable to early Muslim states as well as modern ones like Iran. Although Iran had experienced a revolutionary upsurge, that would not preclude class rule. Like early Christianity was the ideology of feudal aristocrats in pre-capitalist Europe, early Islam was connected with merchants and traders in ancient Arabian society. Maxime Rodinson has shown the mercantile nature of ancient Arabian society, the system of land ownership and various forms of exploitation of the peasants3. Early Islamic movement progressively fought against practices which impoverished and oppressed the peasants, thereby putting an end to obstacles which surrounded progress in trade and commerce hence enhancing the mercantile operations of the business community. Islam also provided legitimacy for the hegemony of the merchants. Thus Maxime Rodinson stated: “Religious jurisprudence condemns practices that might disturb the free play of supply and demands. A tradition… derived from the prophet himself condemns obligatory price-fixing, that is the ‘maximum’, the laying down of price-levels by authority”4. The ruling class of the early Muslim states sustained their power largely by the surplus generated from trade. This is the reason of the Arabs expansion to Persia and other parts of the world. Collapse of trade would therefore entail that of the merchant class and their state apparatus. This precisely happened with European imperialist penetration. This disintegration of early Islamic states was a result of the growth of capitalism in some parts of the world and the appearance of capitalist exploitation of one country by another, which negated mercantile exploitation. Since then socio-economic changes as well as development of ideas, including Islamic ones can only be analysed in relation and or response to capitalist exploitation. Some Reflections on the Role of Shi’I Clergy in Pre-revolutionary Iranian Society Since the disintegration of early Islamic state, Iran was first a semi-colony of both Russia and Britain which came to an abrupt end after the 1917 Bolshevik revolution, and then as a neo-colony since from the time of the Dictatorship of Reza Shah. Shi’ism was forcibly imposed as a monolithic national religion during the Safavid hegemony in the sixteenth century. The radical tradition of Shi’i Islamic sect has for long provided ideological and political doctrine which opposed colonial domination. The clerics played a prominent role in the nineteenth-century protests against economic and political concessions made to non-Iranian nationals, particularly with their leading role in the Tobacco protest of 1891-92. The Mullahs, whose economic base was eroded as a result of the development of capitalism, especially in the rural areas and whose religious roles undermined by westernisation of culture fought side by side with the emerging bourgeoisie against feudal monarchy during the constitutional Iranian revolution of 1906-1911, which succeeded in destroying the dictatorial rule of the Qajars dynasty and secured a share for the bourgeoisie in the government. Later in Reza Shah’s period the Shi’i clerics religious and economic base was further frustrated which made them to team up with Mossadeq’s nationalist front. The triumph of the comprador bourgeoisie with 1953 overthrow of Mossadeq national front government revived the cleric’s oppositional politics leading to their eventual seizure of power in February 1979. The Post-revolutionary Iranian State The development of Iran as a semi-industrial society since the American backed comprador coup against the ‘National front’ government of Mossadeq in 1953 magnified the contradictions that hitherto existed in Iranian society. Bizhan Jazani identified the major qualitative changes and the main features of Iranian economy which include the growth of consumer comprador class, unprecedented increase of foreign investments and American control of the economy which weakened and ruined indigenous businessmen’s ambitious agricultural projects and which dispossessed the peasants and hence denied the Shi’i clerics traditional source of revenue; and the growth of slums of lumpen elements in major cities of the country5. The regime of Shah Pahlavi employed terror to suppress any opposition. Trade unions were closely supervised by the state. The Labour Law even stipulate that names, birth certificate particulars and even photo-graphs of all trade union officials must be given to the ministry of labour6. The reason is that they can be rounded up more easily by SAVAK if they happen to misbehave. The revolutionary forces which brought Khomeini to power gathered momentum as a logical result of a national alliance of all oppressed people against the dictatorship of Shah Pahlavi. The opposition was sharply divided into two ideological camps, even though differences were muted for tactical reason to overthrow the Shah. The different camps were those representing the revolutionary aspirations of the workers who wanted to advance the revolution to a higher level and the non-proletarian forces which include the Mullahs, whose being in the opposition was mainly for a type of Islamic reform. The character of the post-revolutionary state depends precisely on the ideological force which got an upper hand during the course of the revolution. In this respect the non-proletarian forces of the Mullahs did succeed in consolidating and taking over the state apparatus during the course of the revolutionary upsurge. The other non-proletarian forces in the revolutionary front largely comprised of the lumped elements in the cities and Bazaaris who formed the large majority of the opposition. These groups were mesmerised by clerical agitation around the themes of Islamic charity and voluntary equalisation of wealth. Indeed, it was these desperate layers of the urban poor and small-traders who provided the strongest mass support for the Muslim Mullahs. Islam had thus become a force in the opposition against the dictatorship of the Shah. Ayatollah Khomeini was reckoned as a stubborn opponent of the regime. His agitation for Islamic republic has been an integral part of the revolution. He succeeded in consolidating his position among these groups, before and during the course of the revolution. As Nikki Keddi clearly demonstrated the urban small-traders often held weekly “religious meetings in homes which provided an ideal network for discussing political problems and tactics7. Ayotallah Khomeini was not the only strong opposition Mullah. Others included Shariati Madari, moderate constitutionalist who remained distant from Khomeini without breaking with him in that he agrees that Islam could be a revolutionary source. Madari rallied mostly conservatives and moderates around him, while lower Mullahs with populist tendencies were around Khomeini. Telqani also played a prominent role in the revolution. Being a more socially conscious Mullah, he links up with religious groups and non-religious organisations. Aware of the danger of a priestly class, Telqani affirms that in politics the ulamas must not have a special privilege, but to sit at the same level with others in assemblies. Some educated elites, who are not ulamas also joined the opposition from Islamic point of view, by giving Islam new definition to suit modern world. These include Mehdi Bazargan and Abolhassan Bani Sadr. Bazargan addresses chiefly to merchants and civil servants, while Abolhassan became the ideologue of young revolutions revolutionary intellectuals in line with contributions of late Dr. Ali-Shariati who is generally considered as the father of Iranian revolution. This uneasy alliance between the Mullahs and the new educated Muslim intellectuals formed the motive force of the Iranian revolution. The non-Islamic forces of the national opposition had no alternative but to join in a subordinate relation the populist leadership of the Mullahs, young Muslim intellectuals and urban small-traders, partly because of their organisational problems and partly because it was the most tactical alternative at the moment as the Shah’s Bureaucratic allies and the comprador capitalist forces were equally struggling to arrest the revolutionary uprising by instituting a compromise government as signified by the short-lived Bakhtiat administration. Also, there was a hope that the revolutionary current might be advanced as Ayatollah declared that ‘revolution only began with the Shah’s expulsion’. The alliance of the new Muslim intellectuals with the Mullahs in controlling the state apparatus, under the Islamic Republican party came to an end in 1981 with ouster of Bani Sadr as president of the Islamic republic. The popular forces in the Mullahs front, that is the lumpen elements in the cities and the small traders also feel extremely antagonised, precisely as a result of mass repression of what the clerics called unislamic practices. This ushered a new open opposition against the Mullahs, bringing the silent left back into militant oppositional politics. In conclusion, I can safely assert that the anti-imperialist alliance which brought Khomeini to power has now virtually broken. The Khomeini administration has shifted its base from the forces of the people which brought it to power to that of the Iranian big bourgeoisie with all its link with imperialism. Bani Sadr clearly demonstrated this when he stated that: “Khomeinis base is more among the dependent section of the big bourgeoisie. They make more profits under Khomeini than they did under the Shah. They are helping the clergy to establish their dictatorship but hoping to take over themselves at a later date…”8 Footnote 1. H. N. Gardezi, “The resurgence of Islam; Islamic Ideology and encounter with Imperialism”: Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 12 4(1983) P. 451 2. Cited; Lenin, Selected Works Vol.2, Progress publishers, Moscow 1963 P. 241 3. M. Rodinson, Islam and Capitalism, Penguin 1964, chapter 3; also see I. M. Raana, Economic System under Umar the Great, Lahore, 1970 4. Ibid, P. 34 5. B. Jazani, Capitalism and revolution in Iran, Zed Press London, 1980 chapter 3 6. CARI, The Iranian Working-class: a survey of conditions, repression and struggle, London 1977 P.20 7. N. R. Keddie, Roots of Revolution, Yale University Press, Yale 1981 P. 245 8. Merip Report, Vol. 104 (1982) P. 6 |
WTO MOCK SUMMIT IN BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
| WTO MOCK SUMMIT IN BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO The World Trade Organisation is perhaps the most powerful international organisation ever formed in modern history of human society. It is a bulldog which bites and let not you go until you follow its direction. It is an organisation to monitor and regulate global trade relations of the contemporary chaotic neo-liberal globalisation. Whereas it is an international organisation, but it has assumed a power of a global Government with Legislative, Executive and Judicial instruments to intervene even in national domestic policies of member states. Again, its instrument of power goes beyond trade to other global economic relations such as of investment, intellectual property and services. Its style of management of global economic relationships is not very democratic, especially for weaker economies in the system. Nevertheless it has structures of governance which has defined the functions and responsibilities of each body. The highest organ is the minestrial conference which meets every two years. Since the formation of WTO in January, 1995 in a sort of transition from GATT, after Uruguay Round of negotiation, Minesterial Conferences were held in Singapore; Geneva; Seattle; Doha; Cancun and the last was in Hong Kong. The Minesterial Conference brings all trade ministers of member countries together to review the major resolutions and or Agreements of the previous meeting and take major decisions again for the next two years. Just to restate, the stronger economies are more influential and have greater say in the conference. That is why there is always mention of the quad i.e. United States of America, European Union, Canada and Japan as those who wield great power of final decision in the Minesterial Conference. In the First Semester of 2004/2005 session, in class of POL 4301 Military and Politics, my students got in sleepless debate trying to come to grip with post-modern perspectives and theories on militarism and militarization. One perspective came as the management of global trade in current era of globalisation. The interest in this is generated during the debate on how countries in the developing world are often compelled to respect WTO rules and regulations even if not in the interest of their national economies. Secondly, we noted from theoretical point of view that all economic relationships whether in the past, today or in future must also be explained by understanding the usage of force. In our researches on global economic relationships we became very keen on this. And we developed a theatrics demonstrations with example of the WTO minesterial conference – still as a class work. It became so impressive as a class work that we all agreed to perform the same thing in public. So from class exercise it now evolved as a big event celebrated on the campus every Academic Session. Now, three times: - 2004/2005 session - 2005/2006 session - 2006/2007 session By the time of writing this report I and some dedicated students – Umar Danjuma; Shehu Haruna; Lawi Isa Abdullahi; Sani Sabiu; and Abba Talba – of the WTO mock summit met and reviewed what happened in 2006/2007 and set the agenda for 2007/2008 preparations. It is easy to see that as a result of the interest the WTO mock summit generated among students of political science I was put under pressure to introduce teaching programmes on WTO, so I have already turned POL. 3314 politics of development and underdevelopment as a study of the politics and economics of WTO. It is true that the mock summit is receiving positive recognition from students in other Departments. Now, I have long list of students from sociology; mass communication; education; botany; etc. who are coming everyday showing willingness to participate. Thus, making great contribution both as actors and in the organising committee. The recognition is even clearer outside the circle of those who directly participate. On the campus, after each performance it is the subject of discussion and appreciation wherever you see a group of students. This spread to other campuses of Nigerian Universities, to immediate environment here in Kano and parents who see the Video with their sons and daughters on the stage sent message of appreciation to me in giving exposure to their children. One of them said is not regretting sending his daughter to Bayero University, Kano. The stage of the performance includes many facilities such as conference chairs and tables, a power generating machine, digital camera instruments, a microphone system, electronic media coverage instruments, etc. We have to acquire all these to be able to perform according to minimum standard but has always been a problem. The National Association of Political Science Students, Bayero University Kano Chapter which hosts the play is every year very reluctant to provide adequate funding for this purpose. From broader perspective of education the benefits derived from the mock summit are many; 1. Students, especially of the Department of Political Science have discovered new area of social inquiry and following with keen interest with many research output on politics and economics of WTO. 2. Because a lot of information on WTO are sourced online and students are normally sent to search for this or that about WTO, now many of them have become independent researchers. 3. From theoretical perspective, my student’s horizon on global politics and global economic relations has increased such that they can compete with any other undergraduate students in any Nigerian University. 4. Finally students who are actors in the summit are gloriously celebrating the exposure they are receiving and which is making their lives as students different. 5. Whereas there are many difficulties along the way, but with courage we are determine to carry on and this will undoubtedly raise the name of the University in Nigeria. 6. Accordingly we intend that in future performance with access to the right facilities the performance will be televised alive. M. M. Yusif Department of Political Science Bayero University, Kano April, 2008 NAME OF 2004/2005 PARTICIPANTS 1. Adamu Fate Jigawa Chairman 2. Sani Maishanu Director-General 3. Ya’u Balangu Representative of USA 4. Abdulkadir Baba “ Canada 5. Hambali Mohammed “ E.U 6. Hafsat Yakasai “ India 7. Eric Dinsheya “ Brazil 8. Abubakar Sadiq “ Zimbabwe 9. Musa Yarima “ Agro-allied interest 10. Sani Abba “ MIC 11. Hauwa Chinedu “ Textiles 12. Sulayman Daura “ Chairman Human Right Communities 13. Others are Aminu Yarima; Musa Igwo; Sani Custom; Danlami Utem; Hadi Terror; Bashir Yusuf; Nura Cowboy NAMES OF 2005/2006 PARTICIPANTS 1. Musbau O. Abdulazeez Chairman 2. Dimas Garba Director-General 3. Abdulrashid Ibrahim European Union 4. Zakariya M. Zakari USA 5. Murtala Yusif Canada 6. Jafaru Ibrahim Japan 7. Badomasi Saidu Singapore 8. Kabiru Mohammed Abdul China 9. Babangida Yusif Chile 10. Abdullahi Abubakar Rimi South Korea 11. Kabiru Idris Yakasai Philippine 12. Ahmad Tijjani Yusif Pakistan 13. Halima Ali Bashir India 14. Bushra Jibril Yakasai Venezuela 15. Tasiu Mohammed Dangulbi Cuba 16. Kamal Auwal Mexico 17. Aliyu Jamilu Brazil 18. Aminu Audi Argentina 19. Yusif Mohammed Sani Cameroon 20. Aliyu Mohammed Ardo Nigeria 21. Nuraddeen Aminu South Africa 22. Ibrahim Musa Textile corporate interest 23. Martins Akinlabi ICT 24. Yusuf Abdulkadir Military Industrial Complex 25. Aliyu Yero Media Coverage 26. Ibrahim Muazu Medial Coverage 27. Nura Iro Maaji Human Right Activists 28. Yahaya Mohammed Goga Security 29. Kabiru Ahmad Protested Kumbotso and Co. NAMES OF 2006/2007 PARTICIPANTS 1. Ibrahim musa Chairman 2. Aliyu Yero Director-General 3. Aliyu Jamilu Canada 4. Halima Ali Bashir USA 5. Jafar Ibrahim European Union 6. Ahmad Aliyu Japan 7. Zainab Ahmad Pakistan 8. Musa M. Inuwa Zimbabwe 9. Inusa Yakubu Cuba 10. Grace I. Ojo Brazil 11. Umar Danjuma Mexico 12. Sale Jigawa Chile 13. Sani Ismail Cameroon 14. Murtala Garba Mohammed Egypt 15. Tijjani Ismail China 16. Shehu Lawal Argentina 17. Yusuf Mohammed Sani South Africa 18. Aminu Ali Kabir Philippines 19. Abba A. Talba Hong Kong 20. Bilkisu India 21. Ismail Galadima Observer-UN 22. Maitala Isiya Observer-IMF 23. Observer-WB 24. Yusuf Abdulkadir Observer-MIC 25. Auwal Abubakar Observer-Textiles and Clothing 26. Uzairu Garki Chairman GFT Commission 27. Aminu Audi Chairman Agriculture Commission 28. Kabir Nasir Hassan Chairman Trips Commission 29. Hamza Marafa Chairman TRIMS Commission 30. Ahmed Tijjani Chairman Textiles and Clothing 31. Ali Ismail Gwadabe Chairman Human Right 32. Rashida Umar Chairman SPS Commission 33. Maimuna Aliyu Babangida Malaysia |
The Underlying guides and Principles of Teaching in my Classes
| The Underlying guides and Principles of Teaching in my Classes Philosophers of education have debated the merits and demerits of imparting of pure universal knowledge and knowledge of practical wisdom needed to make judgements in practical, political and human affairs. Our experience over the last six years revealed that in our strategies of teaching and learning the two are not separated because we have to be armed with theories in order to develop capacity of objective judgement. It may be useful to remember that the instruction which governs the principles of our work as it is said many times is that “you would receive ideas from your teacher and many books recommended for your readings”, but you must develop the capacity to reformulate these ideas giving your own judgement of them and debating them with your colleagues. This is how not to be credulous. As it is our culture to make weekly presentations and as some of you used to do, you should continue to insist for proofs and arguments before agreeing with anything at all. The learning will continue like that as in political science, like in other social sciences there is no finality to knowledge. The concept of truth does not exist in development of knowledge, so do not take it that whatever one said is the truth which must be accepted by anybody. A class of learners or an individual who posit like that is a dead class or learner who would come and go with little difference in him. We need to say that in order to attain maximum success, it is the responsibility of both students and teachers. The latter would be expected: 1. To be open-minded to direct students to take appropriate steps to reach a position which will allow well-founded judgement and that which will not close discussion on the matter 2. By encouraging collaborative and team work with fair open-mindedness by the students 3. The teacher is to expose students to consult other sources to see additional evidence on what he discussed with them. 4. Ask students on their opinion about the curriculum and allow critical comments from the students. 5. In order to establish the certainty of idea, teachers should be showing that such an opinion is being expressed by such person. 6. From time to time a teacher should be asking a challenging questions that call the students to support their beliefs with argument and evidence. 7. A teacher should distinguish between a public lecture where he gives and tells his opinion and a classroom lecture where ideas, theories and facts are submitted and recognised to enhance the ability of students for learning to develop their own ideas. As for students, they should know that teachers and textbooks are fallible. They should acquire general thinking skills to enable them develop critical minds. That is why our strategies include among other things: a weekly reading of a recommended textbook by submitting a critical judgement of it; making a seminar semester essay by getting another seminar to submit critical observations; students are made to read a textbook and raise questions; etc. M.M. Yusif Department of Political Science Bayero University, Kano-Nigeria February, 2008 |
THE FUTURE OF TRADE UNION MOVEMENMENT IN NIGERIA
| THE FUTURE OF TRADE UNION MOVEMENMENT IN NIGERIA Before the 1978 Labour Reform, which created only one centre of Trade Unions, there were three centres, differed by their political, ideological and international affiliations. However, the differences served very well for militant Trade Union actions and radical progressive response to workers problems. Again, their differences became useful in labour decisive and fast intervention in a struggle for democracy and generally in the politics of Nigeria. But with the abolition of the centres and the decreeing of the centralization of the trade union organisations, although the different political and ideological tendencies continued to show up in their industrial relation practices up to sometime, along the way, it became overwhelmingly dominated by bureaucrartism, opportunism, self-centreness and careerism. With these problems, it would bring many questions by those who care as to how would the Nigerian Labour Movement confront a new set of challenges arising out of globalization. In particular, there is increasing growth of informal sector in the economy, of mass unemployment, of many self-employed workers, of collapse of industry and rapid growth of the service sector, of a new work paradigm by major enterprises and of the pressures on the economy to compete in the global market. The ultimate outcome of this development in the economy is the decline of the traditional working class and the increasing growth of “New Working poor/class” There is no doubt that the trade union movement both in its structure and organisation as well as orientation ought to be renewed to meet these challenges. As Nigeria is part of the global market politics and economy, there is no logic to stick to the traditional method of trade unionism, which as I said above breeds bureaucratism, opportunism, self-centreness and careerism, obstructing the energies of the new working poor and the unemployed for changes in Nigeria’s politics and economy (as seen in the many anti-petroleum price increase in recent time). The advent of democracy is expected to open up new opportunities and thought for the labour movement to produce new ideas and programmes, which would revitalize the movement to meet the new challenges in the economy. However, the failure to do this has allowed the Federal Government to propose undemocratic labour reform bill, which though has contained the needed decentralization of the trade union movement, but has contained other clauses, which would render the desired decentralization of today impotent and useless. The purpose of this project is to organize discussion, debate, research and documentation which will enable the trade union movement to refocus its attention towards revitalization of the movement to meet the new challenge of today. This can be done by among other means: v Round-table discussions v Public lectures v Workshops v Conducting of researches v Documentation of the experiences of other neo-liberal societies. M.M. Yusif 2004 |
Reflecting on Teaching Military and Politics: Content, Method, and Principles
| Reflecting on Teaching Military and Politics: Content, Method, and Principles For seven years (including this academic session) I have been the sole person responsible for teaching a required undergraduate course (POL 4301 Military and Politics) in the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano-Nigeria This covers part of the period, after collapse of Nigeria’s University System, when a reform and innovation is expected. Furthermore, this is also the period when globalisation has changed everything including development in the knowledge industry i.e. teaching, learning and research. One of the biggest challenges in teaching military and politics was that at the time of rapid changes in theories and practice of military in politics, the existing programme I met is dominated by traditional approach which contained themes such as why military intervened in politics; the theories from modernisation school of thought on why military intervenes in politics; military and development in African countries, etc. In view of new development and of new issues in the science of “Military and Politics” and in order to keep the class current and engaging as well as with new perspectives for increased analytical capacity, we are always looking for new ideas of theoretical nature associated with globalisation to expose students who, more often than not came with idea of “military and politics” as merely a study of military coups and military regimes. In order to capture the new development, the issues or themes and the focus of the programme changes every academic year as: 1. Military and development 2. Military theory and practice 3. Military and democratization 4. Globalisation and militarisation 5. Military theories and strategy in the contemporary globalization 6. Military, state, society and globalization 7. Military and state: globalization and post-modern military It is reasonable to account more clearly of these. In the first year, the content and the issues, the theories and the scope were defined within the perspective of modernization. Here, the classical literature such as of Huntington; Finer; Janowitz; Decalo; etc. were analysed and judged according to the practices of military in African politics and development or underdevelopment. The second year has an overriding theme and issues derived from Marxist theory. It offered in a somewhat detailed manner the underdevelopment theory of military intervention in politics. Class analysis and revolutionary theory perspectives were also applied to study the intervention of military in politics as well as revolutionary taking over of political power by the military and the subsequent development. We specifically treated Mengestis Ethiopia; Rawlings’ Ghana; Thomas Sankara’s Burkina Faso; etc. then, the military theories of some African revolutionaries and leaders of National Liberation Movements became subject of study in the programme. Following the turmoils of the late twentieth century of the Third wave of democratization in African countries, when military and one-party regimes were removed from power either by constitutional or violent means political science in particular became enriched with new theories and perspectives on the structure, organization and social relations of the military in society. Thus, in the third year a comparative study was made of the military in Africa and Latin American countries in the democratization process and after. Thinking more about these changes and following the debate on these issues, in the last three academic sessions, the central focus became globalization and militarization. Approached from postmodernist perspective we developed a method which combined political science, economics, international political economy and international relations to analyse and understand the usage of force i.e. military behaviour to achieve political and economic objectives. The teaching became more theoretical by formulation of model of globalization, transnational state and military strategy. Following this context and theoretical orientation we developed the content and issues of this academic session (2007/2008), with emphasis on whether we would say there is postmodern military. Does it exist? If yes what are its characteristics which distinguish it from traditional military? One of the pleasures of the teaching is the recognition that learning has collapsed therefore the use of many artistic and other methods to make sure that the knowledge is delivered to be comprehended, and cultivate critical minds among the learners. Philosophers of education have already debated different forms of delivering and development of knowledge. In a university system whose essence is to generate and disseminate ideas by teaching, learning and research, it is argued could be done by forming knowledge in theoretical form of scientific standards with a view to produce students with varied perspectives on issues around them. Secondly, is to guide and tailor learners to acquire and develop knowledge of a practical reasoning that cultivates and disciplines the mind to enable self-knowledge to be developed. As Alistair Miller (2007) has argued the first one embodies a rationalist conception of imparting pure universal knowledge while the second is a way of imparting knowledge which by contrast, brings “an understanding of the self as a social, political and cultural being, and the practical wisdom needed to make judgments in practical, political and human affairs”. The debate on these two positions in generation and dissemination of knowledge is endless. There are advantages and disadvantages of each. I need not carry you into these controversies as this will take us to Plato and Aristotle as well as Socrates and the sophists because the methods, the controversies and generally the ideas came from them as teachers and educationists. However, it is explicit in the notion of “practical reason” that it is not the same with mechanical empiricism of modern academicians, but a kind of “paideia” which theory and practical wisdom or judgement are regarded as two sides of the same coin, the one entailing the other, and are always outcomes of a whole process of teaching, learning and research that cultivated the mind, trained the intellect and formed the character. Although with some expected difficulties, defending on the quality of the students we have attained high level of “paideia” through many ways we conduct teaching and learning. Such as: a weekly reading of a text and coming out to give judgement or assessment of it; a debate on controversial ideas; a theatric performance; round-table discussion, writing and submitting a report; writing a group test and reading the same in a class; etc. The merits of practical reasoning in unity with theoretical ideas can be seen in the WTO mock summit which started in the class of “Military and politics” 2004/2005 session and since then it became a public affair being staged to the wider community of Bayero University, Kano The mock summit was a class exercise to demonstrate the post-modernist conceptions of military, militarism and militarization. We selected the management of global economy, and the international trade by the WTO became a very good example. As we were studying it and playing it, it becomes very clear that the great institution uses force and military behaviour in conduct of its affairs. Earlier (in 2003/2004) session) we tried to show the application of force on African countries to accept the IMF/World Bank Structural Adjustment Programme. M.M. Yusuf Department of Political Science Bayero University, Kano February, 2008 |
Poem: Shining Stars in a Hazy Cloud
| Poem: Shining Stars in a Hazy Cloud My shining stars I am looking for you Where are you Before you departed from the second terminal Two hundred and forty seven parked in a dark room You were the only forty-five showing light You must continue to hold your light Otherwise there will be a crash When everything will be demolished There is too much darkness When you hold your light firmly You will be flowing like a river Moving through the air like aeroplane You will be blocks nobody can move You can control them through your missiles Ah! Bashir Shehu and Abdullahi Shehu Yusuf Hold the bottom very well Do not mind the difficulty Swimming in a river with two many rocks Colliding but still moving Do not be frightened I am holding the mast for you Showing you the direction When a shark swallows you Don’t forget your light Put it on she will release you And run away Yes! They will all run away Helter skelter To get a cover Only to come out with apology Because you are the light Some will follow you beating their drums to get followers To throw sand in your faces In order to become like them Do not fear and spare them Ah! That little brilliant Yahaya Usman Fighting to see and hold the light too But was boxed in a corner of darkness Habaa! Why didn’t your eyes blink towards me To come and unlock you Don’t mind In the third terminal I will help you to resist darkness. M.M. Yusif February, 2008 |
PARTNERS FOR DEVELOPMENT MEETING IN JIGAWA STATE-NIGERIA ORGANIZED BY CITAD
| PARTNERS FOR DEVELOPMENT MEETING IN JIGAWA STATE-NIGERIA ORGANIZED BY CITAD CREATING A SYNERGY BETWEEN COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATIONS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN PROMOTING COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT A KEY NOTE ADDRESS BY M. M. YUSIF 22 – 01 – 08 It is my pleasure to welcome you to this forum. It is truly a more pleasure for me to address such a distinguished audience of Representatives of Community-Based Organizations and Local Government Officials on Community Development in Jigawa State. The principle and intended practice of this forum is to brainstorm and exchange ideas between policy-makers at local level and voluntary mobilizers of people and resources for economic, social, and cultural upliftment of the people. I would like to observe that there is no reason to say that this does not look like a revolution. In whatever sense you may take a revolution. Because it is a process of change, which involves the people directly, and rely on them to make input in whatever government policy affects them. Or to make them economically and politically great actors to initiate what policies and projects would be developed to raise the standard of lives of the people. As CITAD has involved me in the training of the Community-Based Organizations on this matter I have spent a long time mulling over how could the beautiful ideas I heard from these organisations be directed and constructed as a model to promote the development of Jigawa State. With this new initiative from CITAD I have every confidence that the government of Jigawa state and the Local Administrations are creating a supporting environment which will help to resolve the problems of development in general and local or community development in particular. If this programme is allowed to continue (which I have no doubt it would) Jigawa state will show a light to other states in Nigeria for carrying government activities within a scope of a concept of development. this will reverse the trend of “former” Jigawa state that government projects are conceived and carried on because there is somebody who wanted it to be done in disregard of calculations of the benefits to the state. Furthermore, this kind of forum and the society of Jigawa as a whole will be exposed to the idea that we live in a global economy in which growth and development even of local communities is driven by modern economic activities such as financial flows, expansion of trade, increased productive economic activities i.e. industrialization and modern agriculture. In the twenty-first century, this must not be ignored. Otherwise we would be seeing continuous retardation of the local economy of Jigawa state. And the present government of Jigawa, which is resisting local patronage economic system, will have to continue to live with it. In our circumstances, it is not unreasonable to say we are far away from the global; system. Therefore, the process of the global economy will be more difficult to come to us without deliberate effort to pull it towards us. Many actors can do this – such as Local Government Administrations; Community Organizations; Corporate Business Organisations; Religious bodies; etc. Partly because of this, partnership for development has become a necessity. Despite all the criticisms that “partnership for Development” is created by World Financial Institutions to promote their interest, in our case the phrase “partnership for development” or “partners in development” is long in our history, as we have been having different community organizations and different cooperative societies jointly identifying and executing a development project. As well as collaboration between Local Administrations and Community Organizations. Several things have certainly changed since the on-set of the current global economy. A wide range of new issues, notably self-reliant voluntary, including community organizations, environment, free and private enterprise in the development of agriculture etc. are now on the agenda of what is termed as sustainable development. Therefore, many ideas and models peculiar to our environment and political structures need to be developed to map out in a coherent manner the development, modernization and progress of the predominantly rural Jigawa state. Perhaps the surest way of cultivating a new partnership between Community-Based Organizations and Local Government Officials is to examine the notions of Community Organization and Local Government Administration with a view to reconceptualise them in order to build a model of sustainable community development. The traditional conception of Community Organization is that it is a group of people whose members reside in a given locality – whether rural or urban – who mobilize resources to provide services such as roads, health centers or a school, etc. for social and economic development of the community. In other words it is a self-help organization. The organization lobbies for resources from local authorities, state agencies, private individuals and charge members some money in order to achieve its objectives. So, they normally have a very weak financial base. The services they offer are not planned and thought out of a target of economic development to attain. Most importantly, they appear and parade themselves as philanthropic organizations, thus while contributing some projects for development of their areas, but are undermining the entrepreneurial dynamics of the economy of their rural-based communities. For those reasons, it is not wrong to reconceptualise and refocus the method and goal of Community Organization. Accordingly a community organisation could be a social group whose members are community entrepreneurs with working capital, supported by local authorities and the state to operate as business holding for profit sake. They are to be availed with every kind of assistance – scientific research, management skills, and expanding their working capital – by the authorities and Non-Governmental Organizations like the CITAD. The Local Government Administrations too could also be refocused to adapt to the new global system. But the traditional conception of Local Administration would not change because of changes in the global economic system. It remains as government at grassroots established by law, which exercise specific powers within defined areas. It is made or created by law to act as local state by carrying a long the people at community levels to provide services for development of the area to complement the activities of the State and Federal Governments. While the meaning of Local Administration would remain, as we know it, yet the structures and functions of the system may be re-oriented to face the new demands of social, economic, cultural and political development of Jigawa state. This poses a particular challenge for the State Government, the Local Authorities and the Community Organization as well as other social groups. One is that there may be scepticisms from all concerned as the functions and the structures of the Local Government System is already in the legal system and so trying to re-orient it may generate conflicts and contestation. Two, human beings of all character are the lives that are more susceptible to change, but are the ones most resistant to change of what they have come through for many decades. Yet, the restructuring and redefinition of the Local Government System could start gradually. May be by an experiment with one Local Government Council. As is the case of the idea of “New Community Organisation” the Local Government Council would appear like a Business holding. The councillors would be like Board members representing their various constituencies while the chairman like an Executive Director. Under the general coordination and supervision of the chairman, the elected councillors, instead of taking away a very big proportion of the resources of the Local Government while doing nothing except attending meetings of the council, they could be made to become monitors, guarantors, advertisers, chief marketers, etc. of Business Organizations and activities in their areas. Or course, this will be a major undertaking to turn round the practice of Local Government Administration. But I have said above that all these can be done within the framework of the law, which created the present Local State System in Nigeria. The 1976 Local Government Reform has already provided by a leeway how all these can be done when it is recommended and accepted the Federal Government that the New Local Government System from 1976 is a community approach to development, in which the Local Authorities are empowered to mobilize resources and plan for development of their areas and it is added that it could become a springboard for National Development. Thus, it is possible that when Community Organizations and Local Government functions are redefined as above, a perfect union or partnership may be evolved for development of Jigawa state and Nigeria at large. The partnership may embrace: 1. Rural Industrialization 2. Shareholding Cooperatives in agricultural production 3. Private or Cooperative rural credit institutions 4. State and or private women economic projects 5. A new and revitalized education system to support creation of a new society and new economic actors. These would require a long-term plan by a single local state or by the state government. This will need huge investment on infrastructures such as roads, electricity and water. On Administrative restructuring which would seem the most sensitive for reasons of what would happen to the existing personnel and staff of the Local Government Council. No existing Departments or Units in the Local Government Bureaucracy will not be relevant. But redefining their functions and responsibilities is necessary. Department of Agriculture may also take the responsibility of problems about rural industrialization and shareholding farm cooperatives; Department of treasury may monitor rural credit institutions; other Departments like of taxation, security and civil affairs may be formed. The management and control of the system will be based on private efficiency not on public owned which would normally result in misappropriation of the resources. Therefore, there would be training and retraining as well as reorientation of the staff whom many of them are to become field workers while others would become assistants of the new community organizations. My conclusion is that this will generate more wealth, create more employment, Jigawa state becomes more urban and the economy relatively modernized. Subsequently we would come to need not self-help. And Local Government Administrations will not rely only on Federal Government subvention because there would be much revenue to come in taxes, which will be adequate to provide social services and infrastructures. Furthermore, the developing private Community Organizations would develop their areas not as self-help but to promote their profit interests. I would like to finish off by wishing you going back to your stations safe and continue talking about these ideas. Because as African people say even talking too much about a lie or an impracticable assumption could make them become truth and reality respectively. |
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
