Monday 28 January 2008

WHAT IS SAP/SFEM? IT’S EFFECT ON WORKERS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO TEXTILE INDUSTRY

WHAT IS SAP/SFEM? IT’S EFFECT ON WORKERS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO TEXTILE INDUSTRY

When I agreed to discuss this question in a seminar attended by experienced workers from Textile Industry, my response was what practical issues could be raised with such comrades on concrete problems pertaining to the impact of SAP/SFEM ON THE Textile Workers. Nevertheless, I thought I could still raise some basic assumption on the question at stake for discussions to enable us have a broader practical knowledge through questions and comments.

Given the nature of this topic the first logical question to ask is what is SAP? In order to understand what SAP means, it is more appropriate to refer to immediate past economic history of this country. It is a common knowledge that towards the first half of 1982 Nigeria’s economy went into serious economic difficulties. The manifest difficulties of the economy included balance of payment crisis, the inability of Nigeria’s state to service its short-term and long-term debt, inflation, unemployment, retrenchment, etc.

The causes of these difficulties were undoubtedly not unconnected with the neo-colonial capitalist structures of Nigeria’s economy which subjected our people to exploitation by imperialists and their local lackeys.

It is this general development which led to Nigeria’s government to apply for IMF support loan in 1982. The idea, behind this support loan was to allow Nigeria’s state and businessmen, local and foreign to obtain credit facilities, to sustain importation of raw material and machinery to keep up production.

However, IMF support loan is always accompanied by certain conditionality which provide the basis of what is called the structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)
These conditions include things like removal of subsidies on petroleum products and fertiliser, reduction of subventions and loans to parastatal and privatising some of them, withdrawal of industrial incentives to industrialists, devaluation of currency, liberalisation of the economy, retrenchment, wage-freeze, etc.

Since 1982, during the civilian administration and even during the repressive Buhari/Idiagbon regime, these measures have being effectively resisted by Nigerian people.

The big problem of Banagida regime was therefore, how to make the Nigerian people accept the IMF conditions. That’s why IMF loan debate was launched in November, 1986. Still, the responses of the majority of Nigerian people was to reject the loan and the conditions which accompanied it.

However, while the Banagida regime could not go against the popular opinion, he claimed to resolve the difficulties facing the economy through a deceptive method of rejecting the IMF loan while implementing the IMF structural Adjustment Proposals (SAP).

The President claimed that the SAP is indigenous and independently designed by Nigeria’s policy makers. This is far from the truth. The truth; however is that the SAP is a package of proposals which the IMF dictated since 1982 as conditionalities for extending its own loan or helping Nigeria obtain other loans. So, the fact that Nigeria did not accept IMF loan, it is yet guaranteed by IMF to obtain loan from other world financial institutions.

What is SFEM?
SFEM is simply a way of affecting devaluation which the IMF regards as the main element of SAP. It is one of the central pillars of market forces economy which SAP introduces. The components of this market forces are de-regulation of the economy, privatisation, subsidy withdrawal and wage freeze.

Since the introduction of SFEM in September 1986, it devaluates the Naira by about 400%, has facilitated the repatriation of multinational profits, and encouraged speculation by Nigerian businessmen.

The Effects of SAP/SFEM on Industry
Nigeria’s policy makers thought that SAP/SFEM is designed to assist industry by promoting export promotion industrialisation. However, there are three major aspects of SAP/SFEM which have a negative effect on industry. These are:
1. High cost of foreign exchange
2. Removal of government protection for local industry
3. SFEM has also been encouraging the flight of capital from the country by facilitating the repatriations.
4. Another destructive aspect of SFEM is on small-scale industrialists. This is largely because foreign exchange and imports become expensive for small-scale enterprises and are likely to be displaced by larger corporations.

The Nigeria’s Textile Industry is one of the oldest industries in the country. It has the largest number of manufacturing establishments. As early as 1975 the industry accounted for 16% of value added and 25% of total employment in the manufacturing sector. As such it presents a very good example of SAP/SFEM impact on the manufacturing sector in the country. In fact the Nigeria’s Textile Industry has even before the introduction of SAP/SFEM being battling with crisis arising from smuggling activities which eventually led to decline of the Textile markets and also by the increase in the prices of cotton which amounted to increase in cost of production. The impact of this crisis on the industry was massive retrenchment of workers to the extent that employment of Textile Workers fell from 200, 000 in 1970’s to about 80,000 in December 1983. Also by 1983 about one third of the Textile Mills have temporarily closed down while the remaining two-thirds are operating at between 30% and 40% capacity. Some were even operating in a three day week.

One important question to ask is whether the SAP/SFEM has succeeded in correcting the distortions of the economy in general and industry in particular. I will suggest that it doesn’t.

1. The Second-Tier Foreign Exchange Market has not succeeded in eliminating Black Market for currency, therefore smuggling continues to boom.
2. That the underlying assumptions of the SAP/SFEM is to promote export-manufacturing by local industries, but it is this same mechanism which removes protection on local industries to enable them produce at full capacity.
3. That the authors of SAP/SFEM predicted accelerated growth of Nigeria’s economy, but it is no other than president Babangida, in his 1987 budget speech stated that despite the introduction of SAP/SFEM, the economy has not moved an inch.

Effects on Workers
The only thing which one can say SAP/SFEM is achieving is that businessmen have been making large profits. Although SFEM as a whole does not seem to set correcting the distortions of the economy, the businessmen are compensated by high prices to consumers. For example the general level of consumer prices with 1982 as 100 was 278.6 in 1986. That is to say that it rose by an average of 69.7 points a year in these industries.
Since a wage-freeze is imposed the condition of workers becomes worst. Obviously the importation of some raw materials has led to a slight increase in employment but unemployment is still a very serious problem. Unemployment among those without school is very high, unemployment among those with primary, secondary and university education is increasing while continuous retrenchment is worsening the situation.

Another grievous aspect of the structural Adjustment Proposals on industrial workers in particular is how conditions of work in our factories are deteriorating even against the established laws of the land. I personally know that in many factories in Kano, you find three categories of workers:

Those that are called permanent workers: this category has the right to unionise and fights for its right with the management
Casual workers: are contracted to work for certain days, for twelve hours daily at N3.00 – N4.00 per day. This category of workers has no right to unionise and could be retrenched at any moment.
The condition of the third category of temporary workers is almost the same with that of casual workers except that this category of workers is employed on contract.

These are not the only scenario in our factories. In attempt to declare super-profits manufacturers used extortionate methods in their factories.

Conclusion
Let us now conclude by making some observations. It is obvious that Nigeria’s policy-makers did not initiate SAP/SFEM independently of IMF, rather it is a great design of IMF, to weld us irrevocably to the world capitalist system. Thus instead of SAP/SFEM correcting the imbalance in our economy and the problem of inflation, unemployment etc. the Nigeria’s state is busy exploring through the SAP ways of debt payment and debt services to our foreign creditors. At this stage we will like to recall that the SFEM has already now merged with the First-Tier Foreign Exchange, with the implications of multiplying our foreign debt by almost five times.

The Nigerian workers have through their central Labour Organisation, the NLC, and at different branches and industries resisted this assault on their living conditions. While some limited concessions might be granted here and there, it is our belief that a more concerted effort of organisation and unity of Nigerian workers are imperative to evolve an alternative system to SAP/SFEM. For an alternative to SAP/SFEM is the only option left for Nigerian workers to improve their conditions. This will require a revolutionary political will to reverse the existing power relation in the country which allows the control of the state by the neo-liberal international and local forces.

Mu’azu Mohammed Yusif
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
Wednesday 29th July, 1987
Time: 3.00pm
At Federal Palace Club

The Unity of Industrial Unions affiliated to Nigeria’s Labour Congress (NLC) is Necessary

The Unity of Industrial Unions affiliated to Nigeria’s Labour Congress (NLC) is Necessary




In December 1989, the Nigeria’s Labour Congress gave the Government an ultimatum to negotiate the Union’s minimum wage demands or face a General Strike. Before the ultimatum, 17 of the 42 Industrial Unions affiliated to NLC met in Ibadan and disassociated themselves from the ultimatum given by the Central Labour Organization.

We are struck by this development, at this time of the terrible experience of Nigeria’s working population. We remember the fractionalizations and the divisions in the history of Nigeria’s Labour Movement. This is the time our proletariat must match in solid ranks to make its future secured.

The necessity of the Unity of the Industrial Unions is dictated by the present exceptional circumstances in the history of Nigeria’s working population and working-class movement. The implementation of IMF/World Bank inspired Structural Adjustment Programme has brought unimaginable hardship to the working people of this country. And the government is assaulting the working-class organizations and the individuals against the programme.

Furthermore, we must not allow the consolidation of SAP. We must find an alternative to SAP. So, we must unite. The Industrial Unions affiliated to NLC must unite, if are representing the interests of workers. We are convinced that the genuine unification of the Industrial Unions can only be achieved on the basis of the following principles:

1. The involvement and politicization of ranks and files workers in Union activities is a guarantee of unity of the Industrial Unions. So, all trade union activities should be democratized, to give the mass of the workers a chance to participate.
2. Babangida Administration is a corporatist one. All the Unions must learn how not to become “flexible” while demanding something from the state. Any Union that becomes “flexible” may be bought and incorporated, and used against other unions.
3. In anything which affects the working-class, the Labour Movement should convene a summit with active participation of the workers themselves to discuss the implications on the workers and what defensive action to take to counter the action of the government.
4. There are strike threats by many industrial unions over the refusal of some state governments and some government establishments to pay SAP relief to the workers. The strike threats should go with a living wage campaign; to mobilize the mass of the workers themselves in carrying the strike threats.
5. All Unions should reject the government saying that workers can negotiate increase of wages with their employers. Workers need a review of the minimum wage, not an increase by employers which can also be withdrawn. This is calculated to divide workers.
6. The Trade Union Movement is to attract to its side other oppressed people of the society, by articulating their specific problems and defending their interests.
7. Many workers belonging to different Industrial Unions are members of community based Development Associations. In order to create a solid relationship between workers unions and community based associations and between workers of different indisutrial unions, it is good of workers unions to establish working relationship with such community-based associations.
8. The government has launched wonderful propaganda in Radio, Television, Newspapers, Posters, Pamphlets, drama and other theatre performances, etc. projecting SAP as good for the people. Yet we know SAP has only brought hardship. Workers organization should counter that by launching campaign against the present suffering of the people. This is a very sure way of uniting workers.
9. Industrial Unions are to strengthen their unions at plant levels, to fight the slightest assault by employers on the workers.

When the Unions become united, there is nothing workers will demand from government and/or employers, they cannot get. We therefore present this for the discussion of all workers’ organizations of our country.

M. M. Yusif
4th January, 1990

THE NIGERIAN LEFT IN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY: REFORM OR REVOLUTION:---

THE NIGERIAN LEFT IN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY: REFORM OR REVOLUTION: SOME THOUGHTS FOR RESEARCH

Dictatorship and repression has characterised the recent history of Nigerian politics. As a result of the current economic crisis and the growing radical ideas as an alternative, Nigerian ruling-class has become desperate searching for the best political arrangement to contain the left apostles.

Ibrahim Bdamasi Babangida obtained a workable equation. The economic rehabilitation programme of the state – the IMF/World Bank Structural Adjustment Programme put some economic constraints on the capacity of radicals to operate, there are also lot of political constraints.

While blocking any avenue of attaining a democratic polity, the Government dissolved all political associations formed as political parties including the Nigerian Labour Party which contains all shades of Nigerian Left, and floated two political parties – Nigerian Republican Convention and social Democratic Party, “a little to the right and a little to the left”.

Nigerian Left became divided on whether to join the “a little to the left” party or not. Four Nigeria’s left formations joined it and claimed that can turn the party to serve the interest of workers. Others refused, because the entire political arrangement cannot guarantee development in the interest of the working people.

The questions now are: what will be the future political tendency of the left in social/democratic party? What do they hope to accomplish and how? What will be the immediate and long-term agenda of the left not in social democratic party? In case the state evolves a multi-party arrangement after the present experience, what will be the political stand of the left in the social democratic part and the left not in the party?

This paper will project what will likely be the development. In the absence of organised, disciplined and united left, the state may succeed in causing more fragmentations of the left. Although in any revolution, there must be differences of ideas, but if the left is not united to a common principled position, it will not be in the interest of the revolution.

The paper is composed of six sections. Section one is an introduction with some theoretical positions on Democracy and Revolution. Section two treats transition to civil rule and Democracy in Nigeria. Section three is about Nigerian left and the transition to civil rule. Section four deals with the left in Social Democratic Party. Section five will attempt to highlight future political tendencies and political options of the left in social democratic party. Section six is the conclusion.

Mu’azu Mohammed Yusif
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano
December, 1991

STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMME AND NIGERIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT:---

STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMME AND NIGERIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT: A CASE OF NIGERIAN CIVIL SERVICE UNION




BY




MU’AZU M. YUSIF
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano






Two-Day Seminar for Local Union Leaders of the Nigeria Civil Service Union, Kano State Council







Organised by Bayero University Consultancy Services Unit, Kano from 7th – 8th February, 1994, at the Federal Secretariat, Kano



Introduction
The impact of SAP on the organised Labour Movement is devastating. Its effect on the economy of Nigerian workers has bred organisational and political lack of confidence on the Managers of labour affairs. Yet workers, as individuals and through their organisations have put up resistance against the on-slaught of SAP on their living standard and have joined broad struggles to improve the conditions of everybody. The Nigeria Civil Service Union symbolised these struggles.

The Civil Service
First what is the civil service? What constitute the civil service? In ordinary Language, all workers in the public sector are called civil servants. The concept is used to differentiate workers in the public sector from that in the private sector. Narrowly speaking and for our purpose of addressing members and leaders of civil service union, the civil service include only workers in the Federal and State Ministries. According to a 1981 statistics out of 2.3 million people in the modern sector wage employment 1.3 million, or 58 percent were in the public sector. Within the sector itself, the civil service, i.e. representing Federal and State Ministries, carried 261,000 (11.3%) and 427,000 (19%) respectively. This implies that in the public sector majority were in the civil service.

Labour Unions in the Civil Service
Trade Unionsm in Nigeria originated in the civil service. Historically, the number of unions in the civil service are not numerous, although nearly one hundred unions operated in the civil service before 1978 reorganisation of the Trade Union movement in Nigeria. In that year, more than 1,000 unions were re-organised. During that exercise the number of unions in the civil service has been reduced to eight.

In the following table the names of these unions, the number of unions that were merged to make them and their approximate estimated membership as at 1982 is shown:

S/N
Names of the Unions
No. of Unions merged
Approximate membership 1982
1.
Civil service Technical workers union of Nigeria
30
150,000
2.
Nigeria Civil Service Union
22
60,000
3.
Nigerian Union of Civil Service Typists, Stenographers and Allied Staff
2
12,000
4.
Printing and Publishing Workers Union
13
2,143
5.
Medical and Health Workers Union of Nigeria
17
20,000
6.
National Association of Nigeria Nurses and Mid-wives
3
25,000
7.
Customs, excise and Immigration Staff Union
2
14,000
8.
Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria
2
90,000

The Nigerian Civil Service Union
The history of Trade Unionsm in Nigeria indicate that the first trade union formed was the Nigeria civil service union, organised in 1912.

It first started as Southern Nigeria Civil Service Union but later changed its name to Nigerian Civil Service Union after the amalgamation of the protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria.

Infact, before the 1929 Economic Depression, the politics of Nigeria labour movement was dominated by that of the Civil Service Union. During this period and even after formation of other organised unions in the public sector, before the Second World War, the civil service union championed most of the improved changes of conditions of service in the public service.

The 1978 Trade Union restructuring which reorganised all the Trade Union organisations into 42 Trade Unions came with one central Civil Service Union, with a national structure and state councils. That gives the present structure or Civil Service Union, Kano State Council.

SAP and Nigerian Workers
With the rejection of the IMF structural adjustment loan by Nigerian people, the Government of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, still came with another programme in collaboration with IMF which contains all the conditions of the financial institution. This is called SAP.

The conception of SAP is economic policy package which will open the economy to world big business, along the way to temporarily diversify exports, achieve fiscal and balance of payments viability, be able to pay foreign debts and strengthen the private sector.

The main strategies of the programme, in order to achieve the above stated conception is the rationalisation and restructuring of public expenditure, customs tariff and hence the civil service. Also are adoption of free exchange rate policy combined with liberalisation of the external trade and payments system and adoption of market forces principles on everything particularly the pricing policies.

In order to achieve these objectives through the strategies so employed certain policy measures came into being. These policies are:
1. Withdrawal of petroleum subsidy
2. Privatisation and commercialisation of public enterprises.
3. The emergence of liberal foreign exchange of market determined rates
4. The liberalisation of external trade and payments
5. The deregulation of interest rate, such that it is determined by market forces
6. Wages freeze and later wage deregulation

In effect, the implementation of the above policy prescriptions and others has brought a lot of hardship on Nigerian people especially the wage-earning group. Members of NCSU for example are horribly affected through:
1. Retrenchment of workers in the name of rationalisation of the public service
2. Like workers elsewhere, members of NCSU are going through, declining living conditions caused by declining value of the currency, stagnant wage level and increasingly rising inflationary trends.
3. Increasing difficulties because of virtual commercial value of Health Services and Education of the children of workers.
4. Unemployment as a result of retrenchment and closures of enterprises which brings more people under the dependency of “ordinary” workers, which is a burden on their wages.

SAP and the Labour Movement
In discussing the impact of SAP on Nigerian workers, it is necessary to treat it also on the level of politics. The SAP has indeed introduced a lot of unimaginable difficulties on workers. For workers the only solution is to abolish the programme. Therefore, while they are fighting to improve their conditions under the programme, their long-term objective is to get the policy measures abandoned. On the other hand the Nigeria’s state wants make that a permanent standard on the people. As such every political measure is to curtail human rights of Nigerian workers. A statement by Nicholas Van Hear captures the essence of this when he says:
“Wages freezes and other restraints on pay bargaining are a common concomitant of structural adjustment. Constraints on organisation remain in place for implementation (of) free market policies require authoritarian regimes, under which freedom of organisation and association are fragile”.

The transition programme of the Babangida Government imposed many restrictions on workers involvement in politics. Trade Unions activities are limited by repressive actions of the state. Labour leaders are under constant harassment and surveillance by the state. Security surveillance on ranks-and-file and labour activists in their places of work, disturb their consciousness and confidence of actions. Some labour leaders allow themselves to be co-opted into the political and economic structures of the state.

However, inspite of everything, Nigerian workers have resisted every act against their interests and interests of Nigerian people in general. The example of Nigeria Civil Service Union, Kano State council is a case in point. The Union, using the umbrella of Nigeria Labour Congress, Kano State Council fought to secure the implementation of SAP relief package and went against retrenchment of its members.

The Nigeria Civil Service Union is the workers group very closely related to state. The leadership therefore needs to develop extra commitments and direction to deal with forces against the interests of workers. In order to defend the interests of workers, leadership in this union requires a high spirit of loyalty to the union, above personal interests, and subjecting the method of work to democratisation of decision making.

Conclusion
It is worth noting for leadership of workers union that while struggles to defend interests of workers using legal procedures is not unnecessary the method of strike is also effective where employers do not have respect for procedures and the negotiated agreements.

Globalization and PMM

BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Globalization and PMM

Pol 4301: Military and Politics

2207/2008 First Semester

Instructor: M. M. Yusif
mmyusuf58@yahoo.com
mmyusuf07@gmail.com
polbuk@yahoo.com
http://www.mmyusuf.blogspot.com

Introduction
The title of the course, as above remains the same since it has been introduced. And yet in the last three decades the science of Military and Politics has seen profound changes. In the post-cold war period in particular, whereas there are no military regimes to study and analyse, but it seems that in many countries the power of the military in politics have increased.

Therefore, the focus of the course, changes every academic session as:
1. Military and Development – 2000/2001 session
2. Military Theory and Practice – 2001/2002
3. Military and Democratisation – 2002/2003
4. Globalisation and Militarisation 204/2005
5. Military theories and strategy in the contemporary globalisation – 2005/2006
6. Military, State, Society and Globalisation 2006/2007

These have paved ways for reconsideration of the traditional tools, approaches, and the subject-matter as well as the empirical grounds for analysis of “Military and Politics”. From theoretical perspective it is a shift of paradigm from modernisation to post-modernist approach with which we are going to continue in this academic session (2007/2008)
Course Overview
The course is another attempt to continue with what I have started five years ago i.e. of re-imagining politics and society in the teaching of military and politics. It is to do away with traditional conception and theories in treatment of the subject.

A close examination of the recent literature on military clearly indicates some new orientations. One is that globalisation is naturally militaristic, therefore the science of military pays attention to military strategy/ies applied by major global institutions to achieve economic and other objectives. Secondly, the free-market economy has created a conducive condition for production of instruments and agents of violence which has increased militarization of the society. Thirdly, as a result of the new global economic system, both states, organisations and individuals are facing threats from insecurity. Fourthly, as the societies change so are the militaries. What is conspicuous is that armed forces are changing both in the organisation, structure, profession, method of war and civil-military relations. Finally and most importantly is the idea that a New Military i.e. the post modern military has emerged. What is it and what is it not as well as its aspects, characteristics and relations with state and society are least explored.

This course will focus on the aforementioned aspects of military issues in the current era of globalisation. A critical understanding of these issues from a post-modernist approach would assist us to cope with intricacies of changing perspectives and scope of “Military and Politics” and Military in Politics.

With this approach, a holistic method which combines Economics, Political Science, International Relations and Political Economy will evolve in the understanding of our premise that the use of force which is the essence of military, governs relationships, both political and economic, in the current era of globalisation.

In order to capture a perspective within political science studies we would start with the arguments on the scope and future of political studies. Thus, we would necessary refer to the early literature on the teaching of Military and Politics and from there explore major texts on New Theoretical Lines on the subject – which revolved around Globalisation and Military. Specifically, the course would give treatment to issues such as understanding post modern military; the theory of post-modernisation; the ICT and the New Military System; etc.

Course Outline and Reading Lists
1. Introduction to the course: Introducing the course and what it involves; where it is in political studies;
Readings
a) Paul Hirst, The future of Political Studies(i) and (ii) Website
b) Shu-Yun Ma, Political Science at the Edge of chaos? The paradigmatic. International Political Science Review Vol.28 No.1 (2007)
c) Michael C. Hudson, Information Technology, International Politics and Political Change in the Military Affairs in Arab World. website
2. Re-imagining Politics and Society: Teaching of Military and Politics – Past, present and future: comparative concepts, categories and theories
Readings
a) Eboe Hutchful and Abdoulaye Bathily (eds.), The Military and Militarism in Africa. Introduction and chapter1
b) Paul Commack et al. Third World Politics: A Comparative Introduction
c) David Chuter, Defence Transformation. ISS Monograph
d) Jack Woddis, Armies and Politics
e) Jim Zwick, Militarism and Militarization. Website
f) Engels F. Anti-Duhring pp. 195-225
3. Re-imagining Politics and Society: Constructing post-modernist study of military and politics
Readings
a) Bell, C. The theory of post-modernisation. Website
b) Bragan, M. Dueling Paradigms: Modernist Versus Post-modernist Thought.
c) A.F. Klimenko, Globalisation and its impact on military politics and military strategy. Website
d) Marek Thee, “Militarism and Militarisation in contemporary International Relations”. In Asbjorn and Marex Thee (eds.) problems of contemporary Militarisation.
e) Mary klages, “post-modernism”. Website
f) Arto Nokkala, “Constructing Post-cold War Military Politics: The Finnish case in a strategic perspective”. Website
g) Charles C. Moskos, John Allen Williams and David R. Segal (eds). The Post-modern Military: Armed Forces after the cold war.
h) Frank Pascual, Militarism underpins Globalisation. Website
i) Steven Staples, Globalisation and Militarism. Website
j) Steven Staples, Ten ways globalisation promotes Militarism. Website
k) Chunakhra G.M. The Militarisation of politics and society. Website
l) Gruta Swari, Theoretical Postulation: a twin van in understanding Military and Politics. Website
m) Claude serfati, “Militarism and Imperialism in the 21st century”. Website
n) Timothy Edmunds, Anthony Forster and Andrew Cottey, The Armed Forces and Society: A Framework for Analysis
o) Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century. Chapter 2
p) Website, The Post-Fordist Military
4. Globalisation and Expansion of Military Violence; David Helds Model; the theory and practice of the contemporary globalisation
Readings
a) David Held et al, “Global transformation: Politics, Economics and Culture”. Introduction, Chapters 1, 2, and conclusion
b) John Feffer, “Militarisation in the Age of Globalisation”. Website
c) Yash, Tandon, “Globalisation and the South
d) Stefen Mair, “The New World of Privatised Violence”. International Politics and Society 2/2003
e) Bring G. and Sam M. “Global disorder and the New World Order”. International Politics and Society 3/2005
5. Translational State and global governance. Militarization of Economic relations and global military strategy.
Readings
a) Yash Tandon, “Globalisation and Africa’s options”. In D.W. Nabudere (ed.). Globalisation and Post-colonial African States
b) Theresa Wolfwood, “WTO: Seatle – a convergence of globalisation and Militarisation”. Website.
c) Diana Gimba, “WTO and the Third World Countries”. ECPER Journal
d) Nettime, “The American Empire and the Ergence of Global Ruling-class”. Website
e) Winruch Kunne, “Peace support Operations: How to make them succeed”. OPS 4/1999
f) Stephen Schilesinger”, Transcending or Defending the World of States: The UN and its members”. IPSS 4/1999
g) William I. Robinson, “Capitalist globalisation and transnationalisation of state”. Website
h) William I. Robinson, “Towards a global Ruling class: Globalisation and the Transnational Capitalist class”. Website
i) Bhaskar Majumder, “Global Governance: Role of the two global policy institutions and Regional Groups”. International Studies Vol.40 No.2 (2003)
j) Ernest Mandel, “Marxist theory of the state”. website
6. Information Technology and Military Affairs: Some theoretical assumptions
Readings
a) No name, Information Technology and Global Ruling Class. Website
b) Michael C. Hudson, Information Technology, International Politics and Political Change in the Military Affairs in Arab World. Website
c) Max Boot, The paradox of Military Technology. Website
d) Amin, M. (ed.). Post-Fordism: A reader
7. Military Forces in Post-modern Society: the pmm; is there a pmm;
Readings
a) No Name, The Post-Fordist Military. Website
b) Bradford Booth, et al. Are Post-cold War Militaries Post-modern. Website
c) Moskos, Charles C. et al (eds.). The Post-modern Military; Armed Forces after the cold war
d) Anthony Foster, A Critique of the Post-modern Military thesis: the European challenge
e) John F. Bradford, The Indonesian Military as a Professional Organisation: Criteria and Ramifications for Reform
f) Richard H. Kohn, The Erosion of Civilian Control of the Military in the USA today Naval War College Review Vol.45 No.3
g) Col Charles J. Dunlap, Melancholy Reunion: A Report from the future on the collapse of Civil-Military Relations in the United States
h) Winruch Kunne, op. cit
i) General Paul D. Manson, Peace Keeping in a changing World.
8. Post-modern Warfare System
Readings
a) Paul T. Mitchell. Network Centric Warfare: Coalition Operations in the age of US Military Primacy
b) Captain Paulo F. V. Nunes, The Information Warfare Site. Website
c) Major Ike Wilson, The correlates of post-modern warfare. Website
d) Phillip Harmmond, Post-modernity goes to war. Website
e) Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era
f) Mary Kaldor “Reconceptualising Organised Violence”. In Daniel, A. et al (eds.) Re-imagining Political Community.
g) Mary Kaldor, Iraq: the wrong war. Website
h) Lt. Col. Rolf Wagner, Vintual Victory: The Influence of Post-modern Warfare on Post-Conflict Operations. A Monograph.
i) Shaw M. Dialectics of War: An essay in the Social Theory of Total War and Peace
j) Gerald Schneider, “War in the Era of Globalisation”. Website
k) Carl Connette and Charles Knight, Post-cold War US Military Expenditure in the context of World Spending Trends. Website
9. Military Violence in Post-Cold Era: Post-modern Terrorism
Readings
a) Kai Hirschmann, “The Changing Face of Terrorism”
b) Stephen Sloan, International Terrorism: Conceptual Problems and Implication
c) Kegley C.W (ed.). International Terrorism: Chracteristics, causes and control
d) Abdulhakim Harun, September 11: Before and Beyond.
e) Mary Kaldor, Terrorism as regressive globalisation. Website
f) The 9/11 Commission Report: Chapter 2, titled “The Foundation of the New Terrorism”.
g) Asta Maskaliunaite, “Terrorism and Globalisation: Recent Debates. Website
10. Alternatives to Global Militarisation; global democratisation; demilitarization; Deglobalisation; Critique of Post-modernist approach;
Readings
a) Horace Campbell, “The popular Demand for dismantling of the apartheid machine and problem of conversion of the military industrial complex”. In Hutchful and Bathily
b) Sylvester Odion-Akhaine (ed.). path to Demilitarisation and Democratic Consolidation in West Africa
c) Harry Tubangbanwa, “Fighting Military Globalisation”. Website
d) Barry Holden (ed.). Global Democracy: Key Debates
e) Summary of the Conference Report on “The Leadership Challenges of Demilitarisation in Africa”. Arusha, Tanzania, July 22-24, 1998
f) Claude Serfati, Op. cit
g) Fredrick Jameson, “Post-modernism or the cultural logic of late capitalism”. Website
11. Reports on Semester Group Projects. Each Seminar will be invited to come and make presentation of the small research project conducted during the Semester.
12. In this week Response papers of the small Research Projects will be presented. This is to be followed by eating and chatting.
13. Conclusion: Concluding remarks by the course instructor on the course and performance of students during the course work; critical comments by students on their class room experience and views as well as assessment on the knowledge received and how it is received – including suggestions on the method of imparting the knowledge; then any other things

Additional Readings
a. Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey, Neo-Liberalism, Milkitarism and Armed Conflict. Social Justice Magazine
b. Roger C. and Roy M. “Warlords and Militarism in Chad”. ROAPE No. 44/46, 1989
c. Elizabeth Neuffer et al, “Military Strategies in Globalisation: Democracy and Security”. Website
d. Watson F.M., Political Terrorism: What is Terrorism
e. Frcy R.G. and Christopher W.M. (eds.) Violence, Terrorism and Justice. Various
f. Hamid Hussain, Forbidden Fruit-Military and Politics. Website
g. Barbara Lochbihles “Militarism as facilitator of globalisation”. Website
h. Mike Drake, The Question of Military Technology: Apocalyptics or Politics? Website
i. Ali A. Mazrui, Globalisation between the market and the Military: A third World perspective. Website

Course Requirements
The teaching of the course is by giving lectures on the topics above. However, the last thirty minutes of each lecture period will be for discussion on some readings given as weekly assignment. The weekly assignments are as important as the end of the semester examination. Any student who failed to do one weekly exercise will miss all the marks for the weekly assignments.

Evaluation of students will be based on end of the semester examination (70%) and continuous assessment (30%). On the CA students will be required to do so many things as follows:
1. Weekly Assignment
2. A research paper by each seminar
3. research project response paper
4. ICT usage
5. supervised test
6. attendance
7. Poetry composition
8. Critical comments on Classroom experience
9. Working Groups on topical issue on the subject
Finally, a piece of advice for students.
Any student who makes outstanding contribution on class works by asking questions, making comments and observations will be awarded bonus marks of 5% on the CA and by the end of the semester will be recognised and praised in front of all the students. Also the best seminar will be recognised and praised.

On the other hand any student who is not present when his/her seminar is called upon to make presentation or is called for whatever reason and is not in the class, will get minus five from his/her CA.

Weekly Assignment/Participation in Discussion/Attendance
Evaluation of students course work performance will emphasise participation. Thus, there will be weekly readings and presentations of some texts for discussion. You will be divided into seminars, and in the last 30 minutes of each period a seminar will be called upon. Class participation is very important if everyone is to learn from other peoples points of view. Therefore, when a seminar is called some will submit their reports while others will respond.

The readings and the reports are not going to be simple summaries. The reports are to bring out three things. First, is to identify the issues raised in the text. Secondly, take one of the issues and analyse the argument by giving a critique of it. Thirdly in making a critique bring some empirical evidence to support your observation on the author’s argument.

The format of the report is going to be in a “pattern note” form (see the paper on “How to make pattern note”).

It is important to stress that any student who missed one weekly assignment will not be awarded any mark for all the weekly assignments.

Small Research Project
Each Seminar will be involved in a small research project. The research paper will reflect the course coverage on “Military, State, Society and Globalisation”.

The paper is expected to be presented according to a standard of original contribution with theoretical insights on the area of the research. A paper which has not followed the standard and or contains many typographical errors will not be graded.

In the last five years, Research Reports which meet minimum standard are selected to form the reading materials for this course.

Research Project Response Paper
The small research project of each seminar will be given to another seminar to respond and present while the original authors will be by the side to defend their works.

ICT Usage
As in POL3314 we will source many of the teaching materials via the internet. You will be expected to perfect the skills you acquired in POL3314. Every week you will go on internet. This year I will carry you further to “E-Mail for teaching, learning and research” as well as “EBSCO HOST” E-Journal Library. On the latter, each seminar will register with “EBSCO HOST” for accessing different types of electronic journals.

Then each member of the class must have an E-mail account. The posting of relevant messages on the course is encouraged. I will E-mail you many materials. Each seminar will e-mail me any work done collectively while anyone of you who wishes can e-mail me. From our experience in the usage of internet for teaching, learning and research at your level three I feel bound to personally open e-mail account specifically for Military and Politics.

We would continue with my innovation of enhancing the use of internet by forming exclusively (for POL4301, “The internet partnership” and “The Cyber Club”. These help to promote the use of internet among my students.

Supervised Test
There will be a test based on the paper “study guidelines for effective performance by my students”.
Poetic Composition
Each member of the class will formulate a poetry which will reflect the subject matter of the course.

Working Groups on Topical Issue on the Subject matter of the Course
Students will be expected to demonstrate their understanding of the teachings during the course work. In the past we used many forms of theatre performance as part of the class work. In this way the WTO mock summit developed from the class of military and politics 2004/2005 session. Another form which is going to be tried, which at any rate was already used in POL4313 2005/2006 session is the working group session. In this the whole class will be divided into groups to discuss a topic, write report and present to the whole class. All these would be done in just part of one lecture period.

Attendance
Class attendance is very important. You are hereby informed that if you are going to miss my class, please notify me at least 24 hours in advance. Any body present when a seminar is called will be awarded 5% while anybody absent will get minus five.

Critical Comments by Students on their Classroom Experience
At the end of the semester each seminar will make a presentation on classroom experience as specified on the teaching programme above.

On being against Plagiarism
In order to purify the system of learning and research I have to take strict disciplinary action against any student who is found on plagiarism. What is plagiarism? In Oxford Mini reference dictionary you find the following entries on the word plagiarism “take and use (another’s writings, etc) as ones own”. To be precise, plagiarism is academic dishonesty. This includes dishonestly in assignments, tests, drawing anything from internet and submit as your work, or in short claiming credit for any work not done or done by others.

To avoid plagiarism you must not paraphrase some ones work and present it as your own. Again, all sources consulted should be properly acknowledged. Furthermore, while reviewing the work of your colleagues it must be strictly on what the authors wrote about.

In order to discourage plagiarism, last academic session I formed for students of POL4301 a plagiarism club. All those found on plagiarism were made to become members of the club. As they grew in number they were made to elect a chairman and a secretary. They were called to report from time to time what they were doing to discourage plagiarism. This year too, we would do the same thing.

The penalty is that any assignment found to be plagiarised will receive a zero. Also, any student found plagiarising in a test will get a zero. If one is found on two cases of plagiarism, will result in being assessed “00” in the overall continuous assessment on the course.

Improve the Quality of your Learning and Research Through…
Over the last five years I have personally and professionally developed some ideas which would assist my students to gradually correct the deficiencies in learning and research. Whereas this is taken for granted by some students, but some observations made in these years illuminate promising changes taking place in the academic performance and other skills acquired by my students. Many admitted that these are their guiding methods in learning and research, anywhere they got themselves.

These are generally in communication skills and Information Technology. All these can be found in my Website and the E-mail Box I opened specifically for students.
These are in form of short papers and notes:
1. How to use internet to source reading materials
2. Assessing students examination papers: Marking Scheme
3. Enhancing students capacity in learning through the use of computer, internet and e-mail
4. Introducing Team/Group work in large classes
5. Student guidelines for effective performance by students
6. How to make patterned notes from Texts.
7. Writing Examination: A communicative Approach
8. How to write Group Semester paper in large classes
9. How to write book review
10. Communicative writing: Exploring the concept
11. Taking note in class lecture or from a text
12. using e-mail for teaching, learning and research
13. Using e-journals and e-books for learning and research
14. Code of ethics in the class of M.M. Yusif
15. ICT for learning and education: beyond information
16. Criticism – self-criticism session
17. Guidelines for small-research project
18. Progress Report on ICTs for Teaching, Learning and Research

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO


POL4301: MILITARY AND POLITICS

The following are Semester Group Essays of students of military and Politics of the last four Academic Sessions selected for the contributions they made on the subject. They are recommended for your studies in this Academic year (2005/2006). You are hereby encouraged to work harder and produce a qualitative Group Essay material to join these ones which would be bound as reference material by your Association (NAPSS).
S/N
Author
Title
Year
1.
Suleiman Dauda Daura et al
Global military Establishment: for World Security or Threat to World Security
2004/2005
2.
Mohammed Hambali Mohammed et al
Globalisation and Third World: Security and Defence
2004/2005
3.
Hafsat Y. Yakasai
Terrorism as another Phase of Globalisation
2004/2005
4.
Bashir K. Muhammad et al
Deregulation of Weapons Market and the Privatization of Military in the Global System: Who gains, who loses?
2003/2004
5.
Sani K. Suwidi et al
Militarization and Globalization: Politics of Nuclear Threats in the contemporary World
2004/2005
6.
Korau et al
Unilateral Application of Military Power is one of the Major Characteristics of Contemporary Globalized Economy. How and Why?
2003/2004
7.
Hassan Danyalwa Umar et al
Examine the Contribution and Proportion of Defence Allocation and of Health, Education and Agriculture in 2003 Budget of Nigeria. What is the Implication for Social and Economic Development
2003/2004
8.
Mohammed Ibrahim Zingkur et al
What is Terrorism? Why is terrorism a Common Phenomenon in the Contemporary Era of Globalization
2003/2004
9.
Francis Onoja James et al
Rebellion is a Form of Military Behaviour in Politics. What is it? What is it not? Is Rebellion a Satisfactory Counter Action/Strategy Against Globalization
2003/2004
10.
Aliyu Hassan Salihu et al
Examine Both in Theory and Practice the Distinction between Guerilla Army and Militia
2003/2004
11.
Hamidu Hamidu Jantabo et al
The World Today is characterized by insecurity both Nationally and internationally. How it affects Africa and How it could be Reformed
2003/2004
12.
Abdulhamid Ahmad Abdullahi et al
The Impact of Arms Production and Arms Trade on the Socio-Economic Development of Developing Countries
2003/2004
13.
Rabiu Usman et al
What is National Liberation Army? Make a Study of any one Country where there was National Liberation Army, showing its Military, Political, Organizational and other Characteristics
2003/2004
14.
Zainab Musa et al
With many examples from across the countries of Africa and Latin America, bring out the problems of Post-military Democracy
2002/2003
15.
Bala Mohammed et al
Distinguish the Terms; Militia, Militarism and Militarization
2002/2003
16.
Muttaqa Yusha’u et al
How does the contemporary Globalization affects the Military in the Third World
2002/2003
17.
Abdullahi Musa Ibrahim et al
Examine both in Theory and Practice the problems of Democratic consolidation in Nigeria
2002/2003
18.
Murtala Mamman et al
Which of the many Theoretical explanations on why the Military intervenes in the politics of the Third World Countries can withstand Empirical Test
2002/2003
19.
Alakwe Emmanuel et al
Why is a National Security State is always Militaristic?
2002/2003
20.
Group 4
What is military? What is militarism? Distinguish between Old and New Militarism
2002/2003
21.
Sani Abubakar Maishanu et al
Militarization of the Global Economic Relations under Contemporary Globalization
2004/2005
22.
Adamu Fate Jigaware et al
Globalization and the Global Transnational State: Reducing Power of Nation-State
2004/2005
23.
Dimas et al
Globalization and the US struggle for Global Military Dominance
2005/2006
24.
Musbau et al
The Military Industrial Complex and violence in Africa: An analysis of the proliferation of weapons in contemporary Globalisation
2005/2006
25.
Bala Y.Z. et al
ICT for teaching and research
2005/2006
26.
Abdulrasheed et al
Globalisation, state and national security
2005/2006
27.
Bushra Jibril et al
Arms production and trade: for world security or threat to world security
2005/2006
28.
Arnau S. Minjibir
How does Globalisation and Militarisation Erodes the sovereignty of Nation states
2005/2006
29.
Suleiman S. Mani et al
Arms production, trade and transfer: Impact on Militarisation of Third World Countries
2005/2006
30.
Nuruddeen Aminu
Terrorism as a Threat to Internal Security of Nation State in the Contemporary era of Globalisation
2005/2006
31.
Aminu Audi et al
Information Technology and Militarisation of Society
2006/2007
32.
Aliyu Jamilu et al
A New Role and a New Formation: Post-modern Military in the contemporary globalisation
2006/2007
33.
Halima Ali Bashir et al
The Roles of Military in the Phases of Globalisation: The Theory and Practice of the current phase
2006/2007


DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES
BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO


POL4301: Globalisation and Post-modern Military (Military and Politics) 2007/2008 Session

Working Groups Discussion: Renewal of Nigerias Military Formations
More than one hundred years ago Fredreck Engels observed that “all economic phenomena must be explained by force”. The military is an institution which is formed to use force by organised violence to defend specific interest.

Historically it is a product of division of society into classes. Thus, it becomes part of the process of state formation to be used to protect the ruling-class. In pre-modern class society the military was not an organised and sophisticated institution. It was like a hired service offered to the kings and chiefs, and without really a system of command. On the other hand the modern army is recruited according to a given criteria, is trained and professional with an organised structure governed by rules and regulations. Unlike the Pre-modern Army the Modern Army is a whole community of human beings who specialised in the application of force – with many different arms i.e. the Land Army; the Naval Army; the Air Army; the Legal, the intelligence, the communication, etc. in order to perform their responsibilities.

The distinct characteristics of the military is not only of pre-modern and modern Armed Forces. Looking at the military globally and from a comparative perspective it is reasonable to argue that if society changes, so will their militaries.

In the last twenty years the world community is seeing profound changes in the structure of the economy, politics, culture, etc. which also is affecting the military. By the aspects of these changes we would agree that now we have passed the phase of modern to post-modern.

In military affairs in particular, there is alreadly a paradigm shift from modern/traditional military to post-modern military. Indeed, there is a revolution in the military formations every where in Europe, in United State of America and in some developing countries. The aspects of these changes are so numerous to be counted but they include: in functions and responsibilities of the army; the question of professionalism of the army; civilian-military relations; their national and international positions; how do they fight; who are to be or not to be in the army; the role of ICT; etc.

These and other issues will point to direction of changes to post-modern military. In the existing literature on development of post-modern military the Nigeria’s military is rarely noticed.

As students of Globalisation and Post-modern Military (alias Military and Politics) you are to examine these issues – not by developing a literature but of course to be that relevant as reading materials, but policy recommendations of transforming Nigeria’s army into a post-modern military.

Each seminar is hereby reconstituted to act like a Military Formation of Nigeria’s Armed Forces. The Seminar Leader is a “General”. Others are Lower ranks of Nigeria’s Army Officers. It is a conference/discussion session to thrash out both in theory and the practical possibilities of the challenges of Nigerian Armed Forces in the current globalisation.

In addition to issues raised above, the following are also relevant:
a) That the involvement of Nigeria’s armed forces in peace-keeping operations contains a great danger in survival of national army as well as discipline within the army.
b) Secondly, that the regularity of peace-keeping operations demands reform of the military – its size; organisational structure; orientation; command system; discipline and facilities in the army
c) Thirdly, you may wish to examine these and other conditions of the Armed Forces and make some propositions to hasten the formation of PMM in Nigeria.
d) You may also examine the idea that in a perpetually conflicting global system, in order to pursue peace, a qualitative armed forces must be formed to minimise militarization in the system.
e) In the current era of globalisation and privatisation don’t you think Nigeria does not need armed forces? Why not dissolved this and rely on privatised army?
The procedure is that the last 60 minutes of one period would be used for this exercise.
Each seminar will relocate in a corner of the classroom
Then would reconstitute into a mock military formation with a chairman (the seminar leader) and a secretary.
The discussion will start and continue for fifteen minutes
While the discussion is going on the chairman and the secretary would be taking notes
After the fifteen minutes, another ten minutes will be given so that each seminar will compile not less than two pages report.
Any one person from each seminar/formation will come out to present the report
This will be followed by questions and comments
After my comments and observations the exercise will be closed by one of the “Generals”
Each report presented is to be typed and submitted for further assessment.

M.M. Yusif
February, 2008

LOCAL GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRACY: THE BASIC PRINCIPLES

LOCAL GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRACY: THE BASIC PRINCIPLES


By


M. M. Yusif
Department of Political Science
Bayero University, Kano


Introduction
One of the major challenges of the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria today is how to stabilize democratic individuals, institutions, structures and generally governance in the country’s local administration system. The current situation in the local government system, in spite of the present democratic experiment is far from being transparent, accountable, and in short democratic.

The determination of Nigerians, especially those in the local government service commission to address this problem will inform the stability of Nigeria’s current transition to democracy. It will also accelerate the consolidation of democracy and the spread of the dividends of democracy to vast majority of Nigerian citizens, rather than the very few in top government offices.

This paper merely raises some questions and some basic principles on democratic governance in local government administration. It conceptualizes democracy and the problems of democracy rule to local government governance.

Conceptualizing Democracy
The concept of democracy not withstanding the context it is used is bound by controversies. It does not present easy definition, which is value-free. For some democracy have different meanings to different people and different classes (George Novack, 1970:9). The concept is too vague and variegated to be precisely or adequately defined (Ibid: 9). For George Novack the content and forms of democracy have changed considerably on the course of its development. New historical conditions and social alignments have brought new types of democracy into (Ibid: 9). For others, democracy is an alien phenomenon that is being imported into Africa whose culture places more emphasis on the community than on the individual, and is therefore incapable of internalizing liberal democracy value (Nzongola Ntalaja and Lee, 1997: 10).

Despite this problem of conceptualizing democracy, the essential elements of the term as a mode of rule and management of other human affairs can be discerned and formulated. The most popular conception in the current discourse on democracy is liberal democracy. Communists rejected the principles and doctrine of liberal democracy. Lenin polemicised against it on many grounds among which is that it is bourgeoisie democracy which ensures dictatorship of the bourgeoisie over proletariats (Lenin, 1975: 8). However, to condemn liberal democracy as bourgeoisie dictatorship is incorrect. Whereas I want believe that the case against liberal democracy may be justified by the way democracy is currently married to Structural Adjustment Programme and deep poverty by the people of Africa, yet liberal democracy may be taken seriously because of the opening it gives to struggle against the poor conditions of life created by the SAP. The significance of this line of argument becomes sharper if we consider one element of bourgeoisie democracy i.e. political competition whose most common form has been the competition of political parties (Alan Hunt, 1980: 16). It is imperative in the logic of democratic politics that political competition plays important role in empowering the weak and created opportunities for other political groups to take over state power.

It is now possible to understand more clearly what is democracy? It is true that even from liberal perspective scholars have many different definitions of democracy. In a four volume study on democracy in developing countries, the editors give a seemingly an authoritative definition of democracy. For them democracy is a system of government that meets three conditions.

Meaningful and extensive competition among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties) for all effective positions of government power at regular intervals and excluding the use of force, a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies; at least through regular and fair elections, such that no major social group is excluded; and a level of civil and political liberties – freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and join organizations – sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation (Diamond, Linz and Lipset, 1988: XVI).

In that passage the meaning of democracy is brought out. But, the definition presents democracy as a system of government. If it is characterized only as a form of government then of course as Beckman observed such a definition is highly problematic (Beckman, 1989: 86). Hence, I prefer to use the term democracy to refer to the system of institutions, procedures, rule of law, formal rights, internal mechanisms of running governments, unions; parties and associations; transparency and accountability and depersonalization in administering of anything. Other components of democracy relevant to my usage of the term involve a society infused with the spirit of liberty and justice; and ordered stable society; a free society; a just society; and an independent, self-reliant, prosperous economy. Others also are access to information held by leaders either of government or of non-governmental organizations; participation of citizens in government or of members of associations; consensus on crucial issues makes achieving of objectives much easier; and responsiveness of leadership to the people.

These defining components of democracy are necessary in everyday practice both in governmental affairs, also in non-governmental organizations and in al other human relations in order to create a democratic society.

As for governmental affairs in particular, whether at federal, state or local government levels, a combination of at least most of these characteristics create good and democratic governance.

Application of the concept of Democracy in governance
All the above defining characteristics of democracy help us to specify what democracy is as a form of rule. Democracy, in this sense, means to what extent its defining components are put as political practice by any government in democratic governance. Nzongola – Ntalaja (op-cit) recommended that there are two levels at which a democratic rule can be identified.

These are at the level of the characteristics themselves, and that of the institutions and procedures of government, which are compatible with the characteristics themselves (Nzongola Ntalaja and Margaret Lee, 1997: 13). A democratic rule must frequently apply all or at least most of the principles of democracy in any management of affairs of the people. The most important ones which will qualify a system as democratic include rule of law, formal rights, freedom of association, and the right of citizens to participate in forming and in running of government, depersonalization of government affairs, and transparency and accountability. The second notion associated with the concept of democracy in governance has to do with the existence of institutions and procedures of government, which are compatible with characteristics of democracy (Ibid, 15). Accordingly, democracy is inconceivable without rule of law, free and fair elections, representative government, and an independent judiciary (Ibid, 15). For democracy to be systematic these procedures must be respected. Any government that fails to abide by these conditions should not be considered democratic.

As Schimitter and Karl have observed these procedures alone do not define democracy, but their presence is indispensable to its persistence (Schimitter and Karl, 1991: 81). In reality, there are nowhere these characteristics and procedures are attained in absolute term. That is why it is argued that the conception of democracy should be linked to a minimalist, not a maximalist, conception of democracy. What constitutes a “procedural minimal” conditions for democracy to exist according to Robert Dahl are freedom to form and join organization; freedom of expression; right to vote; eligibility for public office; right of political leaders to compete for support; alternative sources of information; free and fair elections; and institutions for making government policies depend on votes and other expressions of preference (Robert Dahl, 1982). Certainly, for American political scientists, the term democratic regime should, strictly speaking, be reserved for states with the above minimum conditions. However, “proto-democracies” are simply used to refer to political systems where the formalities of a democracy exist, namely, periodic elections with universal suffrage, freedoms of expression and organization and so on, but the electoral process is abused and manipulated as a means to create favoured governments, and where “reserved domains” of policy exist.

Local Governance and Democracy
Local governance and administration is essentially about the management of the political, economic and social development of the people at community and grassroots level. Thus, it is expected that it is from there that democracy and the consequent development of the people will be seen.

For many years, from independence to date local government administration in Nigeria, have seen many structural and other changes. Because of long period of military rule in Nigeria, under the military regimes local government has been an extension of the state to the community. Local government councils derive their legal existence from the state and, all their human and financial resources as well. Also they do not possess any independent discretionary authority a part from the state (Richard Joseph, 1996: 285). However, the current period of democratization gives some hopes for the local governments to become independent of the state and map their own agenda of political and economic development. Constitutionally, they have direct access to financial resources. They carried the burden of the provision of most of the basic social and infrastructure services, and basic health and educational services as well as agricultural extension. Accordingly, local government councils are expected to play a critical role in the democratization of their administrations and communities.

Unfortunately, in spite of appearance of party competition, democracy is far from being a reality in local government administrations in Nigeria. The most threatening problem is that local governments in Nigeria became “a cesspool of political and administrative corruption”. Indeed, it is logical to argue that local governments are to show to people the image of good governance by promoting accountability, but most of them are involved in a most crude form of corruption, which send to people a great hatred of the democracy. The danger of corruption to democracy is of great concern in the New Democracies that even the Ministerial Conference of the community of democracies noted “No problem more threatens the efficacy and legitimacy of democracy than corruption. Survey data from a wide range of democracies, new and old, show growing disaffection with democratic institutions as a result of perception that corruption is growing significantly and that governments are not taking effective measures to control it (Seoul, 2000). In addition to problem of corruption, another major threat to democratic growth in local government administrations is the personalization and “ruralization” of government procedures, actions and even of policies. Whereas local governments were regarded as critical for training both citizens and political leadership in democratic life, but in Nigeria it is an absolute contrast. The modern system of administration, even in urban-based local government administration hardly is adhered to. Thirdly, the failure of local government to give a fertile ground for democracy to thrive is contributed by what happened at the National and state levels.

Conclusion
Local governance implies the management of the totality of structures within the local community that comprise both state and non-state organizations. Therefore, the failure of local government administration to democratize the local community can be checked and alternatives searched by the actions of the non-state actors. In other African countries this has become a reality (Richard Joseph, 1996: 288 – 293). These alternatives have developed as new civil society groups to control the undemocratic tendencies of both political parties and monitor and check the local government administration. By this method it has become evident that the civil society is carrying a greater burden in management of the local community than the formal structures of the local government. This also constitutes another power of the informal local community organizations to influence national government policies to give a push to the democratization of the local government administration.

References
1. Akin Mabogunje (1995), “Institutional Radicalization, Local Governance and the Democratization Process in Nigeria” in Dele Olowu, Kayode Soremekun and Adebayo Williams (ed), Governance and Democratization in Nigeria

2. Alan Hunt (ed) (1980), Marxism and Democracy, Lawrence and Wishan, New Jersey.

3. Beckman Bjorn (1989), “Whose Democracy? Bourgeoisie Vs Popular Democracy”, Review of African Political Economy No. 46/47.

4. Dele Olowu (1996), “Local Governance, Democracy and Development”, in Richard Joseph, Conflict and Democracy in Africa, Lynne Rienner London.

5. Diamond L., Linz J. J., and Lipset S M. (ed) (1988), Democracy in Developing Countries, Volume Two Africa Lynne Rienner.

6. George Novacx (1970), Democracy and Revolution Pathfinder Press, New York.

7. Lenin V. I. (1975), The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kauntsky, Foreign Languages Press, Peking.

8. George Nzongola Ntalaja and Margaret Lee (ed) (1987), the State and Democracy in Africa AAPS Books Harare, Zimbabwe.

9. Robert Dahl (1982), Dilemmas of Puralist Democracy Yale University Press, New Hawen.

10. Schimitter P. C. and Karl T. L. (1991), “What Democracy is… and is not”, Journal of Democracy Vol.2 No.3

11. Seoul (2002), Second Ministerial Conference of the Community of Democracies COEX, Convention Center, Seoul.

IDEOLOGY AND PARTY SYSTEM IN NIGERIA

IDEOLOGY AND PARTY SYSTEM IN NIGERIA




BY


Ma’azu Mohammed Yusif


Paper presented at Postgraduate Discussion Group Department of Political Science BUK, 1984


When at the eve of return to civilian rule, a debate was opened on the issue of ideology and politics, the question took a much more forceful and wider dimension among Nigerian academics. Recently, with experience of party politics, and once more the failure of civilian government and another coming of the military, the question is further re-visited both by academics and even journalists. This state of disagreement about this crucial issue in Nigeria’s politics is perhaps correctly described by Asikpo Essien-Ibok as “the crisis of ideology”. In an article, published in the punch of Monday July, 1984, and titled “The crisis of ideology”, Asikpo-Ibok did not waste time calling for reconsideration of the question of ideology in the politics of this country. For the purpose of illuminating into the said crisis of ideology, it is worthy to identify the trends into which the disagreement follows. In accord with the interests and orientations of the participants in the debate, the question is approached at different levels. These include philosophical rationalisation of the system; value and orientations; economic management and participation and at level of having a viable and stable political system for governance. Put together, three schools of thought could confidently be identified. The first is the absence of ideology school. The proponents of this school, with some ‘Nationalist’ tendencies are influenced by the ethnic tensions of the first republican politics are looking for some value orientations that will tame in the cohesion in the body politics of Nigeria1. The second school takes its point of departure from the form of economic management and participation and therefore argue that Nigerian’s ideology is that of mixed-economy2. The third comes from various tendencies of left scholarship, who taking their view from the nature of mode of production, have the view that Nigeria operates a capitalist mode of production, as such Nigeria has an ideology which is capitalists3. For conveniences and at least for the purpose of continuing with the discussion, it will be absurd to subscribe to the ‘absence of ideology’ school or even with the economist posture of ‘mixed-economy conception of an ideology. But an understanding of the radical view requires a further elucidation of the problem of what is ideology.

The Concept of Ideology
The notion of ideology is as elusive as identified in the three schools of thought outlined above. If we take the first school, we may perhaps ask, in what society, elites organised in different associations do not have differences often articulated at levels of ethnic prejudices? In so far as one is talking about lack of cohesion among national elites, there is ample evidence to show that, in many developed European countries, political cleavages are also based on the basis of regional, tribal or even religious questions4. The second school, of mixed-economy conception is as ridiculous as it is vague. This is because all economies are mixed to more or less extent. The only difference is the nature and relative weight of the mixture. It is therefore really irrelevant to talk of ‘mixed-economy as a national ideology. Thus discussing about the ‘mixed-economy’ question in Nigeria A. Fadahunsi clearly exposed its inadequacy when he stated that

“As it is practiced in Nigeria it is essentially one in which the state is subsidising the activities of the foreign dominated private sector through the creation of the so-called climate – provision of infrastructural facilities, suitable fiscal and monetary policy, tax incentives – for its operation”5.

From the preceding analysis it should be fairly obvious that the only likely reason for such problems is the manner the whole argument is determined by the liberal conception of the term. While we shall not make any attempt to trace the intellectual history and philosophical discourse of the term ideology, the following definitions will provide us with a satisfactory liberal position on what is idelogy6.
1. In one sense, it is used inter-changeably with ‘belief system’, showing some sets of political attitudes held by an individual or by groups of people. Thus Pierre Bonnafice and Michel Carty define ideology as “a cluster of ideas, representations, and beliefs common to a specific social group but relative to the present and future structure and organisation of the global society to which the group belongs”.
2. Similarly, ideology is looked as a body of ideas consisting of ethical interpretations and principles that set forth the purposes, organisation and boundaries of political life. Thus, as Mittleman argued, ideologies are “variable responses through which efforts are made to bring the members of a system to the point of subscribing to the legitimacy of authorities and regime or sustaining that belief once it does exist”.

As is shown with the cases of ‘absence of ideology’ and ‘mixed-economy schools, the liberal definitions of ideology is criticised abstracting the relations between politics and economic foundation by ignoring the basic economic forces and class relations that may possibly determined and justify the conduct of politics in the light of the form and consciousness of the dominant class forces7.

The Marxist Conception of Ideology
In general perspective, Marxist conception of ideology gives a class a primacy. While defining what is ideology, Franz Schurmann stated that ideology is generally defined as “the manner of thinking characteristic of a class”8. Accordingly ideology expresses directly or indirectly, the views, ideas and interests of a definite social class. Thus in capitalist society ideology is perceived to reflect the interest of the dominant social class i.e. the capitalists. Furthermore, in Marxist Science the ideology of a given society is examined not only from the ideas, but from the unity of ideas and actions of the class at political and economic levels9. The problems of this formulation is however, raised somewhere10, so we do not need to mention it again. But in addition, the type of conception that oppose to this perspective is the argument which posited that in developing countries, analysis on the basis of classes is insignificant, because classes are still in the process of formation and that some sociological variables like ethnicity blurs any class categorisation11. For the sake of convenience, we shall subscribe to this position.

Ideology: Class and Ethnic Relations: The Nigerian Context
There is an approach in the Marxist tradition of analysis of Nigerian politics which subordinate ethnic factors to classes in the conduct and character of politics. In other words, ethnicity is simply regarded as bourgeoisie tactics to manipulate the masses. Dr. Bala Usman has made a contribution in this framework of analysis12. In his attempt to penetrate into his manipulation theory, Bala goes to the extent of defining what is manipulation? He said:


“Manipulation means essentially, controlling the action of a person or group without that person or group knowing the goals, purpose and method of that control and without even being aware that a form of control is being exercised on them at all”13.

In order to justify his argument, Bala cited so many examples. In one context he said:

“A few days ago the annual Public Accounts of the Metal Box Company were published in the papers. One of the directors is called Mr. Silas Daniyen and another is called Alhaji Shehu Malami. One is Mr. Silas and the other is Alhaji Shehu. Are they involved in any competition in Metal Box boardroom? This is presumably what we are supposed to believe. We are supposed to believe that Mr. Silas is somehow representing Christians and Alhaji Shehu, somehow the Muslims, and they compete in Metal Box to obtain scarce resources for the ethno-religious communities…”14.

Another greatest contribution comes from Okwudiba Nnoli who also argued that ethnicity is merely a reflection of class interests. Nnoli stated that ethnicity

“is an element of the ideological super-structure of society (which), rests on, is functional for and is determined by the infrastructure of society, the mode of production15.

Pointless to say, both Bala and Nnoli do believe the signigicance of ethnicity in Nigeria’s politics. They are unrealistic, for in the history of politics in Nigeria, the pattern is largely influenced by the ethnic configurations inherited from colonial times.


Thus while we must reject a class interpretation, an ethnic one or a-dualist ethno-class analysis will be more useful. Adualist analysis was already made by some African radical scholars like, the Colin Leys (1977) “underdevelopment in Kenya”. Mohmoud Mamdanis (1976)” politics and class formation in Uganda”, and Issa Shivjis (1975)” class struggle in Tanzania”16. Such ethno-class analysis of political parties in Nigeria, in the second republic was made by Eskor Toyo, when he wrote:
“The National Party of Nigeria, the party running the Federal Government, is an opportunistic ganging up of traditionalists anxious to preserve the last remnants of feudalistic traditionalism on the one hand and ambitious bourgeoisie elements brought together by a common desire to grow rich or richer from a share in the Federal revenue on the other.

Of the other parties, the Unity party of Nigeria, the Nigerian Peoples’ party and the Nigerian Advance party are actually one party. The principal factor keeping the UPN, NPP and GNPP represent respectively the conflicting interests of the rival Yoruba and Ibo bourgeoisie elites. In the GNPP we witness one form of the traditional Kanuri repudiation of the ruling-class among the Fulani”17.

Similarly, in the debate about the Nigeria’s ruling-class which started during the Marx’s conference at ABU18, a group among the ABU intellectuals identified the National party of Nigeria as a party of the Northern bourgeoisie. They stated that:

“Within the Nigerian ruling-class there exist a section that is bound by family ties from among the bourgeoisie in the North whose cohesion is based on feudal and semi-feudal relations”19.

Political Parties and Ideology in Nigeria
Nigeria was one of the fortunate African countries to operate a multi-party system. Unlike the conception of ideology, the term ‘party-system’ has not been subjected to as much debate by academics. As such, there is virtually little body of theory to explain the phenomenon of party-system. All what we find in the available literature is that a multi-party system is associated with liberty, freedom and democracy. Accordingly the existence of multi-party system will reflect different programme, ideologies and principles for choice of alternative government by the people20. On the other hand, we are told by the editors of Journal of African Marxism that:

“The question of multi-party system is not just an academic one. One basic point however needs to be emphasised that the renunciation of a multi-party system and European type of parliamentarism cannot serve as evidence of democracy nor as a proof of its absence. Conditions peculiar and specific in each country should be taken into account. In general the need for one or several parties should be determined not by subjective opinion of individuals or parties but objective factors…”21.

The basic ideological differences between Nigerian political parties before and after independence was more manifest in ethnic traces than pure class interests22. When parties were first formed, they did so in the context of National Independence struggle. But a major set-back that militated against a common struggle for their common objective was undoubtly the ethnic question. Because, the major parties had their bases and background among the major ethnic groups. To give an example, the Northern peoples Congress was a party of the Northern notables with a Northern interests. The programme of action of the NPC did not even conceal, the party’s ethnic background and interests. The programme is as follows:23
1) One North, one people irrespective of rank, tribe, or religion.
2) Peace, stability and progress in the North for the benefit of all and sundry
3) To guarantee to every Northerner freedom of religion without fear of victimisation.
4) To uphold and strengthen our culture and traditions which are compatible with contemporary ideas of progress.
5) To provide educational facilities for the benefit of young and old, male and female, in such a way that ignorance would be eradicated.
6) To Northernise all our public services so as to construct our people with the task of governing us.
7) To strengthen and support an impartial and independent judiciary.
8) To fight and oppose anyone be he a chief or an Emir, who has detracted from the true course of justice.
9) To encourage peaceful co-existence with non-Nigerians and Non-Northerners living in the North provided they remained loyal and accept the leaders of the North.
10) All officers transferred to the Northern Nigerian civil service will continue to have security of tenure if they remained loyal.
11) The North will continue to need the services of expatriate officers but only those willing to serve us as servants rather than masters will be supported
12) To enhance the dignity of the North and fight for the self-government of the region as soon as possible.
13) To place Northerners in senior positions in the regional service and to guarantee higher education to our children so as to prepare them for responsible position in the service.

This type of ethnic ideology manifested by the NPC is also applicable to the rest of the political parties, in respect of protecting their regional interests24. Furthermore, at level of leadership, the major political parties had their national leadership largely from their ethnic origin. The table below succinctly validate this point

Ethnic distribution of leaders of the major Nigerian parties in 1963 as percentage of total25

Party
Igbo
Other Eastern Groups
Yoruba
Other Western Groups
Hausa/Fulani
Other Northern Groups
Others
NPC
-
-
6.8
-
51.3
32.4
9.4
NCNC
49.3
9.9
26.7
5.6
2.8
-
5.6
AG
4.5
15.2
68.2
7.0
3.0
-
1.5

Also, during the 1964 general elections, the parties won largest percentage of their votes from their ethnic bases. The table below also demonstrated the parties ethnic bases.
1964 Election Results and Final Party Total26

NPC
NNDP
NCNC
AG
NPF
INDS
Total
North
162
-
-
-
4
1
167
West
-
36
5
15
-
1
57
Mid-West
-
-
14
-
-
-
14
East
-
-
49
4
-
2
55
Lagos
-
-
1
2
-
1
4
Final party Totals
162
36
84
21
4
5
312

The table above illuminated the significance of ethnic factors in Nigerian politics during the first republic. In fact as post and Vickers argued what led to the collapse of the second republic were the “destructive twins of tribalism and regionalism”27.

When Nigeria was in a process of return to civilian rule in 1979, observers watched with keen interest whether political competition would take the old ethnic in-fighting of the ‘First Republic’. Despite the uproar about the cohesion as well as the sharpening of class differences, as a result of the economic development profelled by oil boom28, during the long period of military rule, the formation of political parties in 1978 followed neatly the old ethnic line. In fact, the major political parties i.e. the National party of Nigeria, the Unity party of Nigeria and the Nigeria’s people party were often described as the revivals of the old Northern peoples’ Congress, Action Group and National Council of Nigerian Citizens respectively29. Furthermore, whereas the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, provided for a Federal character in leadership and spread of a party as a condition for registration30, the inner core of the leadership of the registered political parties could be easily traced to a single ethnic group. And during both the 1979 and 1983 general elections the pattern of support was not much different from the general elections of the First Republic31. Perhaps, the only slight differences was the penetration of NPN and NPP into some areas, and that could be explained to projection of similar ethnic ideologies like religion and in synthesising a ‘minority ethnic interest’.

Conclusion
Interpretation of ideology from a purely class perspective is unrealistic in analysis of politics of a developing society. Factors, like tribalism and religion do play a potent force. In Nigeria, despite an obvious class distinctions, at political level, ethnic cleavages, blur real class interests.


FOOTNOTES
1. Dr. U. A. Jalingo, embraced this idea, at a public lecture on ‘Ideology and party politics’ organised by the students union of Bayero University, Kano in 1977.

2. This is the view of constitution Drafting Committee and the members of Constituent Assembly. See chapter 2, of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1979.

3. See for example, Bala Usman, ‘For the Liberation of Nigeria’ New Beacon Book Ltd, London, 1979.

4. See Stanley Henig (ed), “Political parties in the European Community”, George Allen and Unwin, P.51, 1979.

5. A. Fadahunsi, “The constitution, parties and ideology: Prospects for National Unity and Welfare” in S. Kumo (ed.) Issues in the Nigerian Draft Constitution: Institute of Administration ABU, 1977, Pg. 108

6. For simplified elaborations of these definitions see, James H. Mittelonan, Ideology and Politics in Uganda, Cornell University Press, London, 1975 Pg. 38-45.

7. For various criticisms of the liberal conception of ideology, see Robin Blackbum (ed.) ideology in Social Sciences.

8. Franz Schurmann, Ideology and organisation in communist China, University of California press, Barkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1966, Pg. 18.

9. Franz Schurmann, opt-cit. In the context of Nigeria, see H. Ijembi, “Manifestoes of five political parties”, paper presented at Marx Conference ABU, 1983; S. Bako, “PRP and class struggle” (unpublished M.Sc. dissertation, ABU, 1983).

10. S.G. Tyoden, “Ideology and Nigerian Politics” some Marxist Theoretical quibbles”, in U.B Uba (ed.) Proceedings of the Nineth Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science Association, Held at the Plateau Hotel, Jos 1-8 July, 1982 Pgs. 114-122.

11. See for instance, Sklar, R.L. “The nature of class domination in Africa” Journal of Modern African studies, 17, 4 (1977) Pgs. 531-52. This approach dominated the teaching of political science, in the centre of African studies, University of Edinburgh. Virtually all the readings in the course of politics is aimed at proving the insignificance of class analysis in African Politics.

12. B. Y. Usman, Opt. Cit

13. B. Y. Usman, Pg. 87

14. B. Y. Usman, Pg. 85

15. Okwudibu Nnoli, Ethnic politics in Nigeria, Fourth Dimension publishers, Enugu, 1978, Pg. 11

16. Mahmoud Mamdani, “Politics and class formation in Uganda, Heineman, London, 1976; Colin Leys, “Underdevelopment in Kenya: The political Economy of Neo-colonialism”, University of California Press, Berkely and Los Angeles, 1974; Issa G. Shiuji, Class struggle in Tanzania, Heineman, London, 1976

17. Eskor Toyo, PRP: “Ideology and Revolution” in Asikpo-Essien-Ibok (ed.) Political Repression and Assassination: A tribute to Late Dr. Bala Muhammadu”, Research Unit Governor’s Office Kano State, 1983 Pg. 94

18. See paper by S. Bello and A. Temu, Problems of Socialism in Africa; S. Bako, the case of PRP petty-bourgeoisie socialism; and an in term reply by Alkassim Abba et al in Marx’s conference. Then see further response to the in term reply by S. Bello, “inherent limitations of petty-bourgeoisie political analysis.

19. See Alkassim et al interim reply opt-cit Pg. 1

20. See, for instance, Duverger M. Political parties, Methuen and Co. Ltd., London, 1964

21. Journal of African Marxism, Issue 3, Jan. 1983, Pg. 3-4

22. See for instance K.W.J. Post and M. Vickers, structure and conflict in Nigeria

23. Lifted from A. D. Yahaya, The Native Authority System in Northern Nigeria, ABU, 1980, Appendix V.

24. For an examination of the regional character of the rest political parties, see Sklar, R.L. Nigerian political parties, Princeton University press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1963

25. See Nnoli, Opt. Cit, Pg. 164

26. See post and Vicker, Opt. cit Pg. 183

27. See post and Vicker, Opt. cit

28. Terisa Turner, in her article ‘Multinational corporations and the Instability of the Nigerian state’ RAPC, No.5, 1981 emphasised the significance of class contradictions in the politics of Nigeria. In her analysis of 1975 core, she attributed it to intra-class conflicts between the bureaucratic bourgeoisie and those in the commercial sector.

29. See for example, “Socialist Forum” A Marxist Journal for social change, July, 1983

30. See section 202 (3) of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1979

31. See Oyeleye Oyediran “Voting behaviour” in Oyeleye Oyediran (ed.). The Nigerian 1979 elections, MacMillan Press, Nigeria, 1981, Pgs. 103-110; Alsosce Dr. R. Moten, “Continuity and Change”, the case of 1983 general elections (unpublished paper).